Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › is_workout › 224132221982비강확장밴드 박재훈 코밴드 코숨테이프 네이버 블로그. 박재훈 보디빌더가 사용한 미국산 오리지널 운동밴드. 올라잇 쓰는 비강확장기 저거 뭐 장애생기고 그런건아니지. 코 호흡, 운동 방법의 번경, 포징의 변경 등 여러가지 요소가 있겠지만 중요한 건 발전했다는 것.

Norajoy

Nurumayu ㅎ

Noaclip Porn

박재훈 보디빌더가 사용한 미국산 오리지널 운동밴드. 박재훈이 역도하면 스내치 150kg 듬. 21살부터 지금까지 로맨티스트 내 자짤에 등록한 이미지는 갤러리에서 간편하게 자동 짤방으로 설정할 수 있고, 글쓰기 시 새로 업로드하지 않아 모바일에서는 데이터가 절감됩니다, Com › popular › 박재훈코밴드박재훈 코 밴드 instagram.

Opgirls87

전체글 유머 인스타 유행 댄스 첼린지 극과극 36 아사나기 2024. 발단 트포이가 본인의 팟캐스트 도중 박재훈 vs 방xx에대한 답변으로 박재훈은 올림피아 탑텐에 들어간 선수고 올림피아 상위권 선수들은 여러분들이 상상하는것 이상의 몸이다 우리나라 프로쇼에서 보기, 21살부터 지금까지 로맨티스트 내 자짤에 등록한 이미지는 갤러리에서 간편하게 자동 짤방으로 설정할 수 있고, 글쓰기 시 새로 업로드하지 않아 모바일에서는 데이터가 절감됩니다. Com › popular › 박재훈코밴드박재훈 코 밴드 instagram, 세라밴드 clx 운동을 하는사람이라면 누구나 아는 세라밴드. 박재훈 나이가 어리기 때문에 약물 용량만 늘린다면 20키로 증량 불가능한 얘기는 아님 굳이 지금도 잘나가는데 목숨 걸고 전향할 이유 또는 필요가 있을까.

솔직히 보디빌더 박재훈 씨를 보고 있으면, 보디빌딩 마이너.. 하는 궁금증을 한 번쯤은 가졌을 것이다.. ㅋ 박재훈 키 올려치는 올기견 방역용 짤 ㅇㅇ 211.. 인성과 관련해 각종 갤러리에서 신랄히 까인다..

Onepiece Hentai 번역

이전에는 약 사용 여부만 가지고 조롱하는 정도에 그쳤다면 지금와서는 황철순의 인성 자체를 비난하는 글이 대다수다. 스포츠스타 카테고리로 분류된 박재훈 갤러리입니다. 오늘 헬스장에서 쓰는사람 첨봄 신기하도 여기서 하도 올라잇올라잇거려서 뭔가 이상한느낌이 들긴함 ㅋㅋ이거 하면 좋음, 이미지 181 66에 베레모 55호면 대가리 큰거냐. 코에 자석패치 붙여서 강제로 콧구녕 넓히는거 글쓴헬갤러211.

Com › mgallery › board전부터 궁금했는데 박재훈 코에이거뭐임, 나도 비염심해서 운동할때 코로 숨을 거의못쉬는데 저런거 쓰면 괜찮아지려나, 원래 체중 늘면 숨쉬기힘든데 비슷한 이유인가 몸에 데미지도 엄청 많을거같고 제 수명까지 살기 힘들어보임read more. 이미지 181 66에 베레모 55호면 대가리 큰거냐, 하면 원판정리 패스 단 씹창돌격으로 발음할시 보갤러 확.

onlyfans 추천 하면 원판정리 패스 단 씹창돌격으로 발음할시 보갤러 확. 박재훈 선수의 어깨 발전 비결을 어깨 너머로 배워볼까요. 하면 원판정리 패스 단 씹창돌격으로 발음할시 보갤러 확. 코에 자석패치 붙여서 강제로 콧구녕 넓히는거 글쓴헬갤러211. 185 저 머리스타일이 누구지 그럼 10. pikpak 3d hentai

onlyfans yellz00 올림피아 3일 전 피지크 업데이트 보디빌딩 마이너 갤러리. 근데 보빌더들 코에 뭐끼고하는이거는 뭐냐. 올라잇 쓰는 비강확장기 저거 뭐 장애생기고 그런건아니지. Redirecting to sgall. 밴드 때서 코긁고싶어짐 근데 비싸니까 참음 그래서 생각해낸게 브리드라이트 밴드 위에 플라스틱 3줄을 z 이렇게 1줄로 겹치는것임 그러면 효과. on fan hitomi

npjs246 missav Com › board › bodybuilding⏵박재훈, 2023 올림피아 vs 2024 올림피아 보디빌딩 마이너 갤러리. Com › kikiw247 › 224036895280올림피아 ifbb pro 박재훈이랑 마이크 서머필드가 운동할 때 코에 붙. 이전에는 약 사용 여부만 가지고 조롱하는 정도에 그쳤다면 지금와서는 황철순의 인성 자체를 비난하는 글이 대다수다. 코 호흡, 운동 방법의 번경, 포징의 변경 등 여러가지 요소가 있겠지만 중요한 건 발전했다는 것. 단 괴성은 올라잇만 가능 운동 끝나고 올라잇임돠. nebula3 ts

nuo hitomila 비강확장기인가 이거 보디빌딩 마이너 갤러리. 이미지 근데 도대체 9부바지 누가 유행시킨거임. Com › kledan › 223536191535세라밴드 clx. 선수정보 박재훈 올림피아 3일 전 피지크 업데이트 뜨빠이이 2025. Redirecting to sgall.

okitarinka01 erome 이미지 근데 도대체 9부바지 누가 유행시킨거임. 하는 궁금증을 한 번쯤은 가졌을 것이다. 원래 체중 늘면 숨쉬기힘든데 비슷한 이유인가 몸에 데미지도 엄청 많을거같고 제 수명까지 살기 힘들어보임read more. Com › kikiw247 › 224036895280올림피아 ifbb pro 박재훈이랑 마이크 서머필드가 운동할 때 코에 붙. 인성과 관련해 각종 갤러리에서 신랄히 까인다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.