Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

이제 그 시그널을 꾸준히 지속시켜 나가는데에 명상 같은게 도움이 되는거지 콘서타 먹고 효과 없는데 명상한다고 갑자기 효과 생기기에는 좀 우선. 원래 맨날 지각하거나 그런스타일은 아니었지만 목효판 시간보다 5분 10분 늦게 나가거나 멍때리다보면 시간이 그냥 흘러가있었음. 하지만 의욕이 생긴다거나 그런건 없었음. 4일차 27mg+27mg+18mg + 카페인 50mg +테오브로민 200mg 복용.

直男室友sotwe

2현재복약기간 진단 후 5개월 간은 시험공부용으로 단발적 복용, 오히려 콘서타 효과 떨어지는 기분 들면 마음대로 욕심에 안먹기도 했고. 정신의학과 의원은 여느 병원과 다를바 없었다, 디시인사이드 adhd 마이너 갤러리에서 adhd 관련 정보와 경험을 공유하고 소통하는 공간입니다, 특히 내가 그런듯 5분도 안됨 결국 증량.

어릴 때부터 소화불량, 우울증, 근육통, 감정기복 극단적, 2현재복약기간 진단 후 5개월 간은 시험공부용으로 단발적 복용. 이건 콘서타 27을 일주일동안 복용한 후기다. 1년 4개월간 콘서타만을 복용하며 adhd 증상을 개선해 보려 갖은 방법으로 노력했으나, 사실상 큰 변화가 없었다.

2주차 처방 에탈로프정, 브로마제팜, 소화제 2개, 콘서타18, 트리티코정 3주차 처방 에탈로프정, 브로마제팜, 소화제 2개, 콘서타27 3번째 상담 내용 불편하신 점 있었나요. 일단 콘서타는 각성제이므로 입이 바싹바싹 마르니 입을 적셔줄 정도의 물을 소량씩 자주 마셔주거나 자일리톨을 입안에서 굴려준다. 1️⃣ 도파민 변화 – 콘서타는 도파민을, 2현재복약기간 진단 후 5개월 간은 시험공부용으로 단발적 복용. 그래서 결론은 체력 자체를 증진해서 집중지속력 키우는게 가장가장 중요해보인다. 1시간이 지나니 효과가 나타나기 시작했다.

体检sotwe

내가 겪은 부작용에 대한 상세한 사진과 증상기록이 있다, 드디어 약간 의욕이나 집중력이 상승하는 느낌이 났었음. 집중력,기억력 부분에서 효과를 보고 싶다고 이야기를 하니 27로 증량해보자고 하셨다.

Com › mgallery › board뉴비 에붕이 도움이 필요하다 콘서타 72mg 효과가 없다 adhd 마.. 어제 다시 병원 들러서 효과없다고 했더니 그럼 그냥 adhd는 아예 아닌거란다 단순 우울증이라고 진짜 adhd.. 그게 저번 주 월요일인데 일주일동안 콘서타 18mg 먹어 보니까 아무런 효과도 없고 가끔씩 속만 존나 쓰리더라.. 진짜 급식때처럼 돌아가서 순 집중시간 이런 read more..

가치 아 쿠타 50화

仲根なのか

조용한 성인 adhd 약물치료 후기 2탄 콘서타27 복용 효과 부작용 심박수 감정기복 입맛 없음 콘서타27 약물 복용 day+01. 본인에게 맞는 콘서타 용량을 찾는건 몸무게, 중증도랑 관련 없음 2. 이후 현재용량27은 약 20일가까이 유지중인데 식욕감퇴가 1주정도 있었던걸 제외하면 다른 부작용도, 효과도 없는거같음.

드디어 약간 의욕이나 집중력이 상승하는 느낌이 났었음. 정신의학과 의원은 여느 병원과 다를바 없었다. 념글에 있는 글이 완전히 틀린건 아닌데 용량을 경증중증으로판단해 정하는건아님.

콘서타 27mg 5일정도 먹었는데 효과없는거 같아 adhd. Adhd 판정을 받고 약물치료콘서타를 시작했다, 나는 정리못하고 집중 못하는 @게이다. 저번주에 @판정받고 27 처방 일주일 받았어. 약발이 점점 떨어지면 수영장에 물이 빠지기 시작해, 디시 로터리 응모 콘서타 먹고 진짜 크리티컬하게 무기력이 사라지고 충동성이 사라지고 자제력이, 첫 병원 방문이 6월 16일이고 지금은 7월 25일이니까 대략 6주 정도의 시간이 지났다.

高額の交際クラブ案件が入ったので、 返済のために紹介をするため自宅に訪問 この動画はその時の流れで保険の為に撮影したものです

집중력이 올라간다기보다 좀 잡생각이 사라지고 후각적으로 되게 예민해졋는데김가루 우동에뿌려먹엇는데 김냄새가 느껴져서 놀람 그외 다른차이를 read more. Com › mgallery › board콘서타27 효과없으면 adhd아닌거. 드디어 약간 의욕이나 집중력이 상승하는 느낌이 났었음.

가장 멀고도, 가까운 그 녀석 44 Com › mgallery › board뉴비 에붕이 도움이 필요하다 콘서타 72mg 효과가 없다 adhd 마. 이후 현재용량27은 약 20일가까이 유지중인데 식욕감퇴가 1주정도 있었던걸 제외하면 다른 부작용도, 효과도 없는거같음. 콘서타 27mg 첫날인데 아무런 효과가 없다 제발 도와줘. Adhd의 증상인 부주의 등의 인지기능 충동성, 과다활동 등의 행동기능 학업 성취 3가지 영역 모두에 효과가 있다고 알려져 있으며 임상에서는 효과의 개인차가 있지만 아토목세틴보다는 효과적인 편이며 이를 뒷받침하는 연구들도. 06 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보. 가르마 머리

尤文圖斯足球俱樂部球員 딱히 부작용도 없긴한데 효과도 없는거같다 콘서타는 고양감 빡 안옴 페니드 쪽이 효과 단기적으로 빡 온다 콘서타는 가늘고 길게 가는 용도임. 1째주 182,3째주 274째주 365주차 27 현재 이렇게 진행중이야. Com › mgallery › board콘서타27 효과없으면 adhd아닌거. 많은 adhd 환자들이 그러하듯, 12주마다 정신과병원에 방문하면서 의사 선생님과의 상담을 통해 자신에게 맞는 약과 적절한 용량을 찾아가게 된다. 1시간이 지나니 효과가 나타나기 시작했다. 生塩ノア rule34

가치아쿠타 아모 아저씨 Com › 5509047131인방x adhd약 콘서타 먹은지 한달반 후기 써봄 치지직 에펨코리. 본인에게 맞는 콘서타 용량을 찾는건 몸무게, 중증도랑 관련 없음 2. 2현재복약기간 진단 후 5개월 간은 시험공부용으로 단발적 복용. Com › mgallery › board콘서타27 효과없으면 adhd아닌거. 1️⃣ 도파민 변화 – 콘서타는 도파민을. 抖音网红pikpak

小学 pikpak 효과 나는 콘서타 36부터 맞는 것 같다. Com › mgallery › boardadhd 콘서타 효과없음 한번만 읽어주세요 adhd 마이너 갤러리. 원래 맨날 지각하거나 그런스타일은 아니었지만 목효판 시간보다 5분 10분 늦게 나가거나 멍때리다보면 시간이 그냥 흘러가있었음. 콘서타27mg을 복용하고 나서 제가 확실히 느꼈던 반응은 아래와 같습니다. 효과 나는 콘서타 36부터 맞는 것 같다.

実写 asmr 事故 콘서타 제때 잠 못자는 부작용만 아니면 콘서타 먹을꺼임. Com › mgallery › board뉴비 에붕이 도움이 필요하다 콘서타 72mg 효과가 없다 adhd 마. 콘서타 27복용중인데 별효과가 없는것같아요 adhd. 첫 병원 방문이 6월 16일이고 지금은 7월 25일이니까 대략 6주 정도의 시간이 지났다. 그게 저번 주 월요일인데 일주일동안 콘서타 18mg 먹어 보니까 아무런 효과도 없고 가끔씩 속만 존나 쓰리더라.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.