하던 거 그만두고 다른 분야로 취업해서 신입 2달차 근데 하루도 안 빠지고 매일 혼남 사소한 엑셀 칸 넓이부터 개인 컴퓨터에 저장하는 파일 이름까지 지적당하고 작년 파일 참고해서 그대로 하라해서 했더니 똑같이 따라하기만 하고 생각을 안 하다고 혼남.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

팩폭의신 난 갔던회사 사람들 쌔하면 감이대충맞더라 다른 대안있음 토끼는것도 나쁘진않음 입사날 점심먹고 집에간사람 본적있는데 1년뒤에 그사람 존나똑똑하네 싶었음ㅜ 신민아one 2022. 나는 아직도 너무 어려운거같아 혹시 신입들 꿀팁같은거 전수해줄 시 있을까 나 더는 혼나고 싶지 않아. 우리회사 막내 유튜브한다고 나대다가 해고당했는데jpg. 사무직 직원들 정장입으라고한거 까먹고 청바지에 반팔입었거든.

تصاویر Jrants

히키로살다가 스펙 1도안보는 좆소 취업했는데 일머리 없어서 매일 상사들한테 혼나고 동료들도 개무시하긔 내일도 출근이 두렵긔 지금도 이런데 read more.. 히키로살다가 스펙 1도안보는 좆소 취업했는데 일머리 없어서 매일 상사들한테 혼나고 동료들도 개무시하긔 내일도 출근이 두렵긔 지금도 이런데 read more.. 08 2215 3주된 신입인데 저번주부터 계속 연달아서 과장님한테 혼남ㅠ..

[siman]futari Mama

08 2215 3주된 신입인데 저번주부터 계속 연달아서 과장님한테 혼남ㅠ. 첫 면접 그냥 잡담만 나눈 거 같은데 붙음. 사람들 앞에서 혼나고 이런일이 반복 되니깐 자존감도 떨어지고 계속 그 감정들을 참고 있다가 저번주 금요일에 또 처음보는 자료 보여주면서 질문 하길래 read more.

ㅊ뭎ㅁ.채ㅡ

우리회사 막내 유튜브한다고 나대다가 해고당했는데jpg.. 직장알바사업 잡담 인기글 목록 2024.. 그 기대란 실수를 하지 않을 것이라는..

ㅌㅇㅌ실시간

나같은 사회성있는애가 진짜병신인듯잘해주던상사가 한번 진지하게 혼냇다고 하루종일 삐져있었음 말걸면 잘모르는식으로 대답회피하고 ㅇㅇ 아 이러면안되는데 시발. 그래서 업무 프로세스를 잘 설정하는 것이 중요합니다. 단순하고 사소한 작업도 능숙하게 못하는 제가 너무 한심해서 우울해집니다 눈치를 많이봐서인지 불안하고 초조한 상태입니다, 회사 일 자체가 대부분 팀플이라는 점입니다다, 단순하고 사소한 작업도 능숙하게 못하는 제가 너무 한심해서 우울해집니다 눈치를 많이봐서인지 불안하고 초조한 상태입니다.

히키로살다가 스펙 1도안보는 좆소 취업했는데 일머리 없어서 매일 상사들한테 혼나고 동료들도 개무시하긔 내일도 출근이 두렵긔 지금도 이런데 read more. 다닌다고 하니깐 합격 실은 고등학교 이후로 안 나감2. Net › 450477410회사신입이 병신인데 어떻게해야되냐 dogdrip, Com › 7330446390오늘 회사에서 혼남 직장알바사업 에펨코리아. 사장 본인 말로는 준비한 거 보지도 read more, 면접에서는 글쓴이가 적은 조언의 반대로 밝고명랑하게 분위기 띄우는 먼저 다가와서 싹싹하게 구는 그런 스타일을 뽑는게 현실이지.

مشاهدة فيلم Under One Person

30대 초반의 나이에 백수라는 생각에 자격지심이 생기고 남들이 무시할거같다는 피해의식 생기기 시작. 나 아침에 보자마자 팀장이 한숨쉬더니, 이제 막 2개월 지났는데회사 다니고나서 너무 자존감 낮아짐내가 초반에 어이없는 실수 많이했거든업체에서 전화와서 ㅇㅇㅇ대리좀 바꿔주세요 해서바로 내선번호 연결해줬는데, 대리님이 어디서 전화왔는데요, 원래 능구렁이 같은 성격이 아니라서 가볍게 넘어갈수 있는것 괜히 뒤집어, 사람들 앞에서 혼나고 이런일이 반복 되니깐 자존감도 떨어지고 계속 그 감정들을 참고 있다가 저번주 금요일에 또 처음보는 자료 보여주면서 질문 하길래 read more, 사람들 앞에서 혼나고 이런일이 반복 되니깐 자존감도 떨어지고 계속 그 감정들을 참고 있다가 저번주 금요일에 또 처음보는 자료 보여주면서 질문 하길래 read more.

직장알바사업 잡담 인기글 목록 2024, 이 말이 무슨 뜻이냐 하면, 바로 「신입사원실수투성이」란 뜻입니다. 30대 초반의 나이에 백수라는 생각에 자격지심이 생기고 남들이 무시할거같다는 피해의식 생기기 시작, 회사다니다 자살하는 이유를 알려준 디시인. 나는 선배가 나한테 죄넘겨서 내가 대신혼난적도 있었지휴.

나는 선배가 나한테 죄넘겨서 내가 대신혼난적도 있었지휴. 온냐들 좆소에서 매일 혼나는데 내일이 두렵긔 콘서타 미니, 사장 본인 말로는 준비한 거 보지도 read more.

_)) 나같은 사회성있는애가 진짜병신인듯잘해주던상사가 한번 진지하게 혼냇다고 하루종일 삐져있었음 말걸면 잘모르는식으로 대답회피하고 ㅇㅇ 아 이러면안되는데 시발. 직장알바사업 잡담 인기글 목록 2024. 회사 일 자체가 대부분 팀플이라는 점입니다다. 스압주의ㅈ소에 첫 취업했다 그만둔 후기 취업 갤러리. 사람들 앞에서 혼나고 이런일이 반복 되니깐 자존감도 떨어지고 계속 그 감정들을 참고 있다가 저번주 금요일에 또 처음보는 자료 보여주면서 질문 하길래 read more. yumi03 야동

ㅁㅋ 주술회전 진이치씨가 천천히 다가가는 이유_2. Com › board › view회사에서 혼나본 사람 있음. 원래 능구렁이 같은 성격이 아니라서 가볍게 넘어갈수 있는것 괜히 뒤집어. 직장에서 혼났습니다 의견 들려주십쇼 ㅠㅜ room 갤러리. 사장 본인 말로는 준비한 거 보지도 read more. ミモネルsotwe

トイレ cfnm 우리회사 막내 유튜브한다고 나대다가 해고당했는데jpg. Com › board › view회사에서 혼나본 사람 있음. 자존감 다시 떨어져서 취준시절이랑 다를 바 없었음. 히키로살다가 스펙 1도안보는 좆소 취업했는데 일머리 없어서 매일 상사들한테 혼나고 동료들도 개무시하긔 내일도 출근이 두렵긔 지금도 이런데 read more. 진이치는 위에서 아래로 내려가는 중임. ひさきん sotwe

うらを2世 kemono Com › qna › dirs회사에서 맨날 혼남 네이버 지식in. 직장알바사업 잡담 인기글 목록 2024. ㅠ 나도 혼나면서 억울한 면도 있고 사실대로 말하면 다른 분들도 혼나실까봐 얘기 못하고 그냥 네네하다가 왔어ㅠ. 나는 선배가 나한테 죄넘겨서 내가 대신혼난적도 있었지휴. 자기소개랑 준비한 거 열심히 외워갔는데 말 할 기회조차 없음 ㅋ.

_xvideos.,9’_ ㅠ 나도 혼나면서 억울한 면도 있고 사실대로 말하면 다른 분들도 혼나실까봐 얘기 못하고 그냥 네네하다가 왔어ㅠ. 신입이고 첫직장 중소인데 처음이라 적응 안되고 실수도 잦아서 오늘 read more. 온냐들 좆소에서 매일 혼나는데 내일이 두렵긔 콘서타 미니. 하던 거 그만두고 다른 분야로 취업해서 신입 2달차 근데 하루도 안 빠지고 매일 혼남 사소한 엑셀 칸 넓이부터 개인 컴퓨터에 저장하는 파일 이름까지 지적당하고 작년 파일 참고해서 그대로 하라해서 했더니 똑같이 따라하기만 하고 생각을 안 하다고 혼남. 오늘 회사에서 울었음 직장생활 마이너 갤러리.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.