일상생각 이웃 4,493 명 주로 유머글을 포스팅 합니다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

손육공 소년원 이유 손육공 나이 몇살임 삼소룡 손육공 나이 손육공 손칠공 사귐 손육공 키 몇임. 10k followers, 1,121 following, 15 posts 고연길 손육공 @son_6ball on instagram @go_yomgil 모든 협찬,광고 디엠. 🫶🏻🩶velo de princesa✨. 무료급식소에 라면 90만 원 어치를 기부하였다.

인성도 아들인 오천이 더 좋아보이네요.

즉, 손육공 개인의 싸우고싶어하는 욕망이 전 우주에게 화를 불러일으킨것이다 심심해서 우주를 지워버리는 전왕이라도 남아있는 12개의 우주는 전 우주에서 핵심이 되는 우주라 지우는데 무슨 구실이 필요했을 것이다 그래서 힘의 대회라는 핑계를 댄 것인데.

Hoy iba a subir una foto mía, pero ya llovió y no quiero que se mojen 2 veses 🥴🤣sonido original user9.. 오리지널 사운드 틱톡맨 손육공 나이 몇살임 손육공 키 몇임 삼소룡 손육공 손칠공 사귐.. 자신이 악인으로 찍혔는데 재밌다고 하네요.. 근데 이렇게 강하게 묘사해놓고선 힘의 대회에서는 가장 먼저 탈락해버린다..

손육공 @son6ball 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 @삼소룡 vs 손육공. 여동생과 8살 차이이며 9 틱톡커 쏘하, 현더이, 정서현, 서초구카피바라 등과 친분이 있으며, 황시후, 손육공, 최댕댕, 서민호의 전 여자친구다, 손육공의 라이브 방송을 즐기며 다양한 이야기를 나눠보세요. wuxiaoditoyss short video with ♬ 原声 wuxiaoditoys, Kelvooyhz 111 68 explore morequeméasndestrangerthings손육공키몇임widzisz tego typu koszmarne prace w internecie.

싸우고 싶어서 나 자신을 죽이라고 우주 최고 암살자에게 의뢰했답니다.

드래곤볼 오리지널부터 드래곤볼z, 드래곤볼gt까지 지구를 위해서라면 무엇이든 해내던 손오공 심지어는 외전으로 평가받는 드래곤볼gt에서까지 손오공은 자신의 목숨을 버리면서까지 지구를 구해서 많은 사람들에게 감동을 주었다 하지만 드래곤볼 슈퍼에서는 그랬던 손오공이 손육공, 손칠공.. 1,328 likes, 40 comments son_6ball on ap 틱톡v유튜브 어떤거 활동할까.. 10k followers, 1,121 following, 15 posts 고연길 손육공 @son_6ball on instagram @go_yomgil 모든 협찬,광고 디엠.. 여담 손육공이라는 닉네임의 전 닉네임은 k잼민이였다..

내가 중국 8년 살았거든 납치법 도 아무나 안델고가 도시는 없다고 봐야대 이색키 드래곤볼 손육공 에네르기파 조명 2, Com › discover › 손육공키tiktok. 일상생각 이웃 4,493 명 주로 유머글을 포스팅 합니다. Com › @son6_ball손육공 @son6_ball tiktok.

손육공 님의 인기 동영상 오랜만, 오랜만 을 를 시청하세요.

Com › son_6ball고연길 손육공 @son_6ball instagram photos and videos. 저는 아들 둘이 있지만 아내랑 한번도 키스를 해본 적이 없답니다. 손육공 님의 인기 동영상 오랜만, 오랜만 을 를 시청하세요.

내가 중국 8년 살았거든 납치법 도 아무나 안델고가 도시는 없다고 봐야대 이색키 드래곤볼 손육공 에네르기파 조명 2, 에듀톡 챌린지 틱톡맨 손육공 손육공챌린지 삼소룡 @son6ball, 손육공 키 몸무게, 손육공 키, 손육공 몇살, 손육공 나이, 전투 때 가장 중요한 아이템을 까먹고 두고 가기도 하고요, Com › @kelvooyhz › videotiktok. 손육공 키 몸무게, 손육공 키, 손육공 몇살, 손육공 나이.

10k followers, 1,121 following, 15 posts 고연길 손육공 @son_6ball on instagram @go_yomgil 모든 협찬,광고 디엠. Osoby bez grama precyzji i poczucia estetyki powinny poszukać sobie jnnego hobby. Com › @whoopsiedaisy13067 › videofree to screenshott tiktok. 즉, 손육공 개인의 싸우고싶어하는 욕망이 전 우주에게 화를 불러일으킨것이다 심심해서 우주를 지워버리는 전왕이라도 남아있는 12개의 우주는 전 우주에서 핵심이 되는 우주라 지우는데 무슨 구실이 필요했을 것이다 그래서 힘의 대회라는 핑계를 댄 것인데. 그 전까지는 빠져도 살 빠진 느낌만 나고, 이러한 정보는 tiktok의 견해나 조언을 대변하지 않습니다.

Com › @cod › videotiktok. 싸우고 싶어서 나 자신을 죽이라고 우주 최고 암살자에게 의뢰했답니다, 현더이 와이프🐹맛 몽쵸 @0__se. Com › @sihoo_110628 › video오리지널 사운드 민아이 가 포함된 황시후 @sihoo_110628 님의. 손육공 키 몸무게, 황시후 손육공 키, 손육공 나이 몇살임, 손육공 형.

키 183 생성키퍼 공중장악력 14까지 올렸는데더 올리려고 어빌오르는 날짜 맞춰서 로드신공 몇십번 계속하는데도 공중.

내가 중국 8년 살았거든 납치법 도 아무나 안델고가 도시는 없다고 봐야대 이색키 드래곤볼 손육공 에네르기파 조명 2. 즉, 손육공 개인의 싸우고싶어하는 욕망이 전 우주에게 화를 불러일으킨것이다 심심해서 우주를 지워버리는 전왕이라도 남아있는 12개의 우주는 전 우주에서 핵심이 되는 우주라 지우는데 무슨 구실이 필요했을 것이다 그래서 힘의 대회라는 핑계를 댄 것인데. 에듀톡 챌린지 틱톡맨 손육공 손육공챌린지 삼소룡 @son6ball.

정욕의 여신 쿠폰 O 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 황시후와 그의 친구들에 대한 다양한 에피소드와 소식을 확인해보세요. 드래곤볼 슈퍼 새로운 주인공 손육공 을 소개합니다 네이버 블로그 전체보기 83,630개의 글 목록열기. Com › @whoopsiedaisy13067 › videofree to screenshott tiktok. 틱톡커 주한띠 와 크록하 춤 비교 영상이 올라온바 있다. 이러한 정보는 tiktok의 견해나 조언을 대변하지 않습니다. 젠지 갤라리

젠포츠갤 Com › @whoopsiedaisy13067 › videofree to screenshott tiktok. 드래곤볼 슈퍼 주인공 손육공을 소개합니다 만화 게시판. 셀전 기준 전투력 7만 5천대인 지구인인 크리링은 블루가 된 오공과 어느 정도 대등한 싸움을 벌이면서 에네르기파를 받아내기까지 한다. Com › @son6_ball손육공 @son6_ball tiktok. 드래곤볼 슈퍼 새로운 주인공 손육공 을 소개합니다 네이버 블로그 전체보기 83,630개의 글 목록열기. 제민경 실물 디시

정예나 93 인스타son_6ball 라이브@원숭이. Hoy iba a subir una foto mía, pero ya llovió y no quiero que se mojen 2 veses 🥴🤣sonido original user9. 현더이 와이프🐹맛 몽쵸 @0__se. 드래곤볼 슈퍼 새로운 주인공 손육공 을 소개합니다 네이버 블로그 전체보기 83,630개의 글 목록열기. 24 likes, tiktok video from alexh1🤺🏀⚡️🇲🇽 @cod. 조복서 노출

조각도시 .torrent 기본적으로 권총맞고 다치는 캐릭입니다. 저는 아들 둘이 있지만 아내랑 한번도 키스를 해본 적이 없답니다. 손육공 님의 인기 동영상 오랜만, 오랜만 을 를 시청하세요. 손육공 키 몸무게, 손육공 키, 손육공 몇살, 손육공 나이. 수많은 강적들로부터 지구를 지킨, 지구에서 자란 지구인이자 전투민족 사이어인.

절검단 손육공의 라이브 방송을 즐기며 다양한 이야기를 나눠보세요. Tiktok video from wajid odho @wajidodho786. Poćwiczy i bedzie lepiej. 드래곤볼 슈퍼 새로운 주인공 손육공 을 소개합니다. X 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 여친생긴 손육공의 다양한 이야기와 서유빈의 매력을 알아보세요.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.