이빈 그렇다고 행복한 작가 생활은 아니었다고.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

2015년부터 레진코믹스에 연재된 단지는 화자가 직접 비밀 이야기를 들려주는 화법으로 독자로 하여금 몰입감과 공감뿐 아니라 주인공을 향한 응원을 이끌어낸 작품이다. 특히 자신의 일화를 자전적으로 그린 이야기를 그려왔습니다. 그림에서도 알수있듯이 작가가 그동안 억눌려살던걸 던지고 한번사는 인생 한번 방탕하게 살아보자는 생활툰인데 적나라하고 솔직해서 좋다는 말도 있었고 19금 아닌데 원나잇 나오는건 좀 아니다 하는말도 있었음 근데 어제 올라온 편에서 주인공 작가본인과 남자친구가 택시를 타는데. 전현직 대구 부시장, 지방선거 출마 잇따라행정 전문성.

만화가 ‘단지’가 자신의 첫 단행본을 펴내며 작가 프로필에 쓴 글이다.

그림에서도 알수있듯이 작가가 그동안 억눌려살던걸 던지고 한번사는 인생 한번 방탕하게 살아보자는 생활툰인데 적나라하고 솔직해서 좋다는 말도 있었고 19금 아닌데 원나잇 나오는건 좀 아니다 하는말도 있었음 근데 어제 올라온 편에서 주인공 작가본인과 남자친구가 택시를 타는데. 연재했던 웹툰이다전작 단지는 작가 단지가 가부장적인 아빠, 오빠만 편애하는엄마, 성깔 더러운 오빠, 어리숙한 남동생에 관련된 일상에 대해서 그렸다. 결국 3040분 거리에 있는 대학병원 응급실을 찾았지만, 환자가 많다는 이유로 거부당하고, 세 번째 찾아간 병원에서 간신히. 귀여운 단지의 캐릭터에 마음이 동하려는 순간, 작가 ‘단지’는 이제부터 굽이굽이 펼쳐 보일 묵직한 이야기의 서두를. 41 likes, 3 comments youngtimes_official on janu 억눌린 감정의 초상을 드러내다, 최재섭 작가 최재섭 작가는 감정이 억압된 현대인의 자화상을 섬세하게 포착하며, 표정과 얼굴, 시선과 색채를 통해 숨겨진 감정의 본질을 탐구하는 작가입니다.

단지는 ‘2017년 오늘의 우리 만화상’ 수상작으로 어린 시절부터 겪어온 내면의 상처를 드러낸 자전적 웹툰이다, 명문 발레 학교에 입학 신청을 했고, 8주간의 심사 기간을. 웹툰작가를 만나다 가족에게 상처받은 당신, 타인은 지옥이라는 걸 알면서도 사람과의 관계가 없으면. ‘단지’가 대중적 이야기는 아니었으니까. 단지 작가의 끝내주는 신작 웹툰, 방탕일기 네이버 블로그.

가족들 중에서 유일하게 원만한 16 단지 작가가 단지를 연재하고 휘이 작가가 숨비소리를 연재하는.

작품 속에서도 나오듯, 작가 본인이 무의식적으로 파트너에게 남성적 역할을 기대했던 것도 사실.. Com › onwinnersmd › 220688368011레진코믹스 웹툰 추천 단지, 가족이라는 이름의 폭력 네이버 블..

웹툰 단지의 주인공 단지 작가는 부모님과 오빠, 남동생를 둔 둘째 딸인데요 단지는 가족들 사이에서 아주 어릴 적부터 수많은 학대와 차별을 받습니다 단지에게 화풀이를 하며 아들들과 차별하던 어머니, 가부장적이고 권위적인 아버지, 가족들 중에서 유일하게 원만한 16 단지 작가가 단지를 연재하고 휘이 작가가 숨비소리를 연재하는, 그림에서도 알수있듯이 작가가 그동안 억눌려살던걸 던지고 한번사는 인생 한번 방탕하게 살아보자는 생활툰인데 적나라하고 솔직해서 좋다는 말도 있었고 19금 아닌데 원나잇 나오는건 좀 아니다 하는말도 있었음 근데 어제 올라온 편에서 주인공 작가본인과 남자친구가 택시를 타는데, 리뷰를 남기고 커뮤니티와 함께 취향을 공유헤보세요. 그동안 단지 작가 웹툰을 잘 보고 있었는데 정말 실망이다며 웹툰에 대한 ‘불매’를 선언했다.

『단지』는 오빠와 남동생 사이에서 심한 차별을 받으며 자라난 ‘단지’의 이야기로, 작가의 필명 또한 ‘단지’다. 박정민이 직접 찍은 사진휴민트, 韓영화 최초 ddp기획전, 작가 ‘단지’가 그린 웹툰 ‘단지’가 그런 만화다, 작가 자신보다 4살 많은 오빠는 일상적으로 작가에게 폭력을 행사한다.

개요 편집 대한민국 의 강사, 기업인, 방송인, 작가, 유튜버, 단지 작가가 가정에서 겪어온 무시, 폭행, 차별, 성추행 등이 1인칭 시점에서 적나라하게 묘사된다. 이런 만화는 당장에라도 퇴출해야 한다는 거센 항의가 빗발치는 가운데, 21세기에도 권선징악적 주제가 아니면 거품 물고 달려드는 문화 꼴통들의 알레르기 반응이 거세지면 거세질수록 나는 이 작가의 대체 불가능한 독보성을 느꼈다.

단지 작가의 끝내주는 신작 웹툰, 방탕일기 네이버 블로그.

Com › onwinnersmd › 220688368011레진코믹스 웹툰 추천 단지, 가족이라는 이름의 폭력 네이버 블. 귀여운 단지의 캐릭터에 마음이 동하려는 순간, 작가 ‘단지’는 이제부터 굽이굽이 펼쳐 보일 묵직한 이야기의 서두를. 한편 단지 작가는 지난 2007년 데뷔했으며 웹툰 ‘단지’로 ‘오늘의 우리 만화상’을 수상했다.

디시 이메진 ― 편집부 한마디 한국의 서스펜스 웹툰. 올해 오늘의 우리만화상을 받은 작품들을 보면 리얼리티 만화가 다수다. 16세 라라는 아버지, 어린 남동생과 함께 벨기에 앤트워프로 이사한다. 해오름대교포엑스ai 데이터센터 미래 준비하는 포항. 귀여운 단지의 캐릭터에 마음이 동하려는 순간, 작가 ‘단지’는 이제부터 굽이굽이 펼쳐 보일 묵직한 이야기의 서두를. 데일리플랜 디시

돈x발남 박솔이 결국 3040분 거리에 있는 대학병원 응급실을 찾았지만, 환자가 많다는 이유로 거부당하고, 세 번째 찾아간 병원에서 간신히. 화려한 그림체는 아니지만, 독자를 컨텐츠 안으로 끌어들이고 다음 이야기가 궁금해지게 만드는 힘을 갖고 있습니다. 화려한 그림체는 아니지만, 독자를 컨텐츠 안으로 끌어들이고 다음 이야기가 궁금해지게 만드는 힘을 갖고 있습니다. 개요 편집 대한민국 의 강사, 기업인, 방송인, 작가, 유튜버. 웹툰 남주들의 첫날밤을 수집합니다의 줄거리, 인기 순위, 작가 정보, 연재 여부, 비슷한 유형의 작품을 툰라이즈에서 확인해보세요. 디시 마운자로 후기

디스 코드 여자 목소리 변조 디시 웹툰 단지는 그렇듯, 누군가에게는 몰랐던, 누군가에는 없는 것처럼 치부됐던 세상을 이야기한다. 오빠와 남동생 사이에서, 단지는 차별을 받으며 자랐다. 단지 작가는 누군가가 더 아프다고 해서, 내 아픔이 괜찮아 지는 것은 아니지 않나라며 모든 사람들의 아픔은 결국 아픈 것이라고 담담하게 말했다. 웹툰 단지는 그렇듯, 누군가에게는 몰랐던, 누군가에는 없는 것처럼 치부됐던 세상을 이야기한다. 41 likes, 3 comments youngtimes_official on janu 억눌린 감정의 초상을 드러내다, 최재섭 작가 최재섭 작가는 감정이 억압된 현대인의 자화상을 섬세하게 포착하며, 표정과 얼굴, 시선과 색채를 통해 숨겨진 감정의 본질을 탐구하는 작가입니다. 도읍지 도끼자국

덕코프 마이너 갤러리 ’ 단지 작가 인터뷰 lbc의 웹투니스타 레진코믹스에서 연재된 웹툰 는 가정폭력을 말한다. 초등학생이라고는 도저히 생각할 수 없는 몸집도 크고 강인한 면을 가진 사람으로, 겉모습은 언니와 또래로 보인다. 웹툰 플랫폼 ‘레진코믹스’에서 연재 44일 만에. 1,541 likes 70 talking about this. 가정폭력 문제를 다룬 괴로운 웹툰이 관심을 모으고 있다.

덴 레제 만화 전현직 대구 부시장, 지방선거 출마 잇따라행정 전문성. Com › i_love_dangi단지 @i_love_dangi instagram photos and videos. 작가 자신보다 4살 많은 오빠는 일상적으로 작가에게 폭력을 행사한다. 폭력은 단지, 또 다른 폭력을 낳을 뿐이고에서 드러나는 가정 폭력은 얼핏 보기에도 심각한 수준이다. 단지 작가는 누군가가 더 아프다고 해서, 내 아픔이 괜찮아 지는 것은 아니지 않나라며 모든 사람들의 아픔은 결국 아픈 것이라고 담담하게 말했다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.