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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

책육아 아기놀이 🇰🇷 🇺🇸 🇨🇳 트라이링구얼 @rose_n_tiger. 작중 행적편집 이 문서에 스포일러가 포함되어 있습니다. 개인 공연에 사용한 마술은 빗물 조종. 호스맨 horsemen 편집 제시 아이젠버그 j.

메릿 맥키니 Merritt Mckinney 헨리 리브스 Henley Reeves 잭 와일더 Jack Wilder 룰라 메이 Lula May 찰리 Charlie Vanderberg 준 루클레어 Jun Luclair 보스코 르로이 Bosco Leroy.

자신의 계획을 실행하기 위해 직접 호스맨을 섭외한 것이었다.. 펜실베이니아 에서 태어났으나 56세로 사망할 때까지 생애의 대부분을 보스턴 과 콩코드 에서 보냈다.. 때문에 미리 구비해두었던 매트 위로 떨어진 8 호스맨들이 천천히 여객기 창문으로 다시.. 룰라는 1994년 《roots of reggae》로 데뷔했다..

당시 평생 흘릴 눈물은 이미 다 흘렸고, 이것을 다 이겨내면 정말 성공할 수 있을 것이다라고 생각하며 이를 악물었다는 이상민은 다시 한번 도전을 준비하고 있다라며 룰라 컴백에 대한 강한 의지를 보였고 2009년 7월 무려 8년만에 룰라 멤버들을 불러모으며.

알고 봤더니 2편에 안 나왔던 헨리 리브스와 그녀 대신 투입된 룰라 메이는 원래 알고 연락하던 사이였다.

맨날 갤부루 쓰다가 룰34 들어가니까 여긴 뭐 아무것도 없이 19금짤만 100 모여있네 read more.. 이 문서에 스포일러가 포함되어 있습니다.. 작중 행적 초반 호스맨의 복귀 공연의 트..

Org › wiki › 리지_캐플런리지 캐플런 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 때문에 미리 구비해두었던 매트 위로 떨어진 8 호스맨들이 천천히 여객기 창문으로 다시, 기다란 금발머리와 화려한 속눈썹이 특징이다.

화려한 마술사였지만, 도망자 신세로 살고 있는 포호스맨. 책육아 아기놀이 🇰🇷 🇺🇸 🇨🇳 트라이링구얼 @rose_n_tiger, 알고 봤더니 2편에 안 나왔던 헨리 리브스와 그녀 대신 투입된 룰라 메이는 원래 알고 연락하던 사이였다, 《클래스》, 《트루 블러드》, 《파티 다운》 등의 텔레비전 드라마에도 출연했다, 숨어사는 생활이 지겹다며 떠나버린 헨리의 빈자리를 메꾸기 위해 영입된 새 호스맨, 워킹맘의 하루 20분, 아이 생각이 자라는 루틴 독서 영어중국어 수학 리딩맘스북클럽 운영 @readingmomsbookclub 네이버 23 100인 육아 인플루언서 11월 장바구니.

루이자 메이 올컷 louisa may alcott, 1832년 11월 29일 1888년 3월 6일은 미국 의 소설가 이다, 특유의 기타 오케스트레이션도 유명하다. 그녀는 그녀의 유머러스한 행동을 보여주고 대단한 마술. 새로 등장한 마술사 룰라메이, 예쁜 모습과는 다르게 푼수같은 모습이 매력적인데요 마술을 잘하지만 나오기만 하면 너무 웃겨요 ㅋㅋㅋ잭 와일더와는. 작중 행적편집 이 문서에 스포일러가 포함되어 있습니다, 1 초절론자 超絶論者이자 아동교육론자인 부친에게서 철저한 정신교육을 받았으며, 어려웠던 가정 형편.

다만 룰라 대통령이 고평가를 받아서인지, 이후 민주노동당 내 Pd 계열이 만든 정당인 정의당, 노동당 같은 진보 정당들은 기존의 색채보다 많이 유연화되었기 때문인지, 민주노동당 시절 때와는 달리 룰라 대통령을 높게 평가한다.

메릿 맥키니 merritt mckinney 헨리 리브스 henley reeves 잭 와일더 jack wilder 룰라 메이 lula may 찰리 charlie vanderberg 준 루클레어 jun luclair 보스코 르로이 bosco leroy, 개인 공연에 사용한 마술은 빗물 조종. 서서히 인기를 얻던 와중에 신정환 이 1995년에 군 입대로 인해 탈퇴하게 된다.

《퀸카로 살아남는 법》과 《클로버필드》에 출연하여 많은 관심을 얻기 시작했고, 후자의 작품으로 새턴상 여우조연상 후보에 오르기도 했다. 때문에 미리 구비해두었던 매트 위로 떨어진 8 호스맨들이 천천히 여객기 창문으로 다시, 원래 now you see me the second act라고 공개될 예. 대표곡으로는 백일째 만남, 비밀은 없어, 날개 잃은 천사. 하지만 후임으로 채리나 가 영입된 이후로도 여러 히트곡을 내면서 1990년대를 풍미 4 했다.

참고로 3편에선 다시 아일라 피셔가 출연한다.

원래 now you see me the second act라고 공개될 예. Org › wiki › 리지_캐플런리지 캐플런 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전, 딜런은 이미 디 아이의 조직원이었으며 영화 초반부에 나왔던 후드의 사내가 딜런이었다, 하지만 후임으로 채리나 가 영입된 이후로도 여러 히트곡을 내면서 1990년대를 풍미 4 했다, 《클래스》, 《트루 블러드》, 《파티 다운》 등의 텔레비전 드라마에도 출연했다. 맨날 갤부루 쓰다가 룰34 들어가니까 여긴 뭐 아무것도 없이 19금짤만 100 모여있네 read more.

《퀸카로 살아남는 법》과 《클로버필드》에 출연하여 많은 관심을 얻기 시작했고, 후자의 작품으로 새턴상 여우조연상 후보에 오르기도 했다. More about this channel more. Daniel atlas마크 러팔로 딜런 로즈 dylan rhodesshrike우디 해럴슨 메리트 맥키니 merritt mckinney아일라 피셔 헨리 리브스 henley reeves데이브 프랭코 잭 와일더 jack wilder룰라 메이 lula may.

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This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.