이른바 ‘통일교 게이트’라 불리는 정교유착 파문이 정권을 덮치며 이재명 대통령을 포함한 정치권은 통일교를 향한 압박 수위를 높이고 있다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

누가 경색된 남북관계를 개선하고, 실용적 국익을 대변할 국가 지도자일까. 21 이 당시에 창설 이전 과정에서 중간에 있던 안면 구타로 인해 치아가 심하게 손상되고 부러져서 발음이 어렵다고 한다. 이재명 대통령이 종교재단의 정치 개입 사례를 지적하면서, 종교재단 해산 명령에 대한 검토를 지시했습니다. 이재명 대통령이 10일 정치권 여야 인사들이 통일교로부터 부적절한 후원을 받았다는 의혹과 관련해 여야 관계 없이, 지위고하와 관계없이 엄정하게 수사하라고 지시했다.

이재명 대통령이 종교재단의 정치 개입 사례를 지적하면서, 종교재단 해산 명령에 대한 검토를 지시했습니다.

Kr › arti › society일본, 이 대통령 ‘통일교 겨냥’ 발언 100만뷰&mldr, 이른바 ‘통일교 게이트’라 불리는 정교유착 파문이 정권을 덮치며 이재명 대통령을 포함한 정치권은 통일교를 향한 압박 수위를 높이고 있다, 여기에서 부르는 2세라는걸로 태어남 당했는데 일찍이 개좆같은 사이비라는걸 깨달아서 믿지는 않고있음 근데 가족하고.

일반 이재명 정권내에 통일교 신천지만 뿌리뽑아도 역사에 남을 업적이지.. Days ago 찰리 커크 아무것도 소유하지 못한 사람들, 재산이 줄어드는 것 같은 느낌, 재산이 없거나 돈의 가치가 떨어지는 것 같은 느낌을 받는 사람들은 대안을 찾기 시작합니다..

Kr › arti › opinion사설 트럼프 ‘반도체’도 언급, 상호관세 조기타결 쉽지 않다. 이재명 대통령이 종교단체의 정치 개입 행위에 대해 엄중 경고했다. 이재명 대통령이 10일 정치권 여야 인사들이 통일교로부터 부적절한 후원을 받았다는 의혹과 관련해 여야 관계 없이, 지위고하와 관계없이 엄정하게 수사하라고 지시했다, 이 대통령은 오늘 오전 제52차 국무회의를 주재하면서 정교분리 원칙이라는. 위법한 행위를 한 종교단체에 대한 해산은 물론 재산 몰수까지 거론했다. 남편은 예수 영혼결혼 올렸다 통일교 여성 소름돋는 그 밥상 백성호의 궁궁통통 나도 이용했다 조갑제, 4월 이재명 만난 이유 이용당했다.

이재명 대통령이 통일교 세계평화통일가정연합 논란에 연이어 종교법인 해산을 언급하면서 강경한 모습을 보이고 있다. Kr › arti › international트럼프, ‘영어 공용’ 라이베리아 대통령에 영어 잘해 무례한 칭찬, 세계평화통일가정연합이하 통일교 유경석52 한국회장이 ‘국민종교’로의 발걸음을 내딛기 위해 내세운 목표다.

Kr › arti › international트럼프, ‘영어 공용’ 라이베리아 대통령에 영어 잘해 무례한 칭찬. 세계평화통일가정연합이하 통일교 유경석52 한국회장이 ‘국민종교’로의 발걸음을 내딛기 위해 내세운 목표다, 공포 통일교와 연관있는 정치인들 모음. 이재명 정부 출범 전까지는 그리 주목받은 사건은 아니었다가 2025년.

Jtbc에서 누구보다 강형욱 까기에 앞장섰던 이 사람은 양원보라는 사람인데 애비가 통일교 원로 목회자 회장임 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 더 심각한 건 이사람은 통일교 산하 세계일보에서 직접 근무했었음 ㅋㅋㅋ, 도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령이 9일 현지시각 미국 워싱턴디시 백악관 국빈 만찬장에서 아프리카 5개국 정상들과의 오찬 자리에 참석해 미소를 짓고. 제12대 성공회대학교 총장, 제33대 통일부장관, 제1920. 김우성 저는 차일디시 감비노를 좋아합니다. 김우성 저는 차일디시 감비노를 좋아합니다, 통일교 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요.

Kr › Arti › Opinion사설 트럼프 ‘반도체’도 언급, 상호관세 조기타결 쉽지 않다.

둘째, 청년신혼부부 공급이라는 목표와 논평, Kr › arti › opinion사설 트럼프 ‘반도체’도 언급, 상호관세 조기타결 쉽지 않다. 9일 현지시각 미국 워싱턴디시 백악관 국빈 만찬장에서 아프리카 5개국 정상들과 오찬 자리에 참석한 도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령. 이재명 정부 출범 전까지는 그리 주목받은 사건은 아니었다가 2025년. Kr › arti › opinion사설 트럼프 ‘반도체’도 언급, 상호관세 조기타결 쉽지 않다, Com › mgallery › board보수 통일교에서 이재명 지지선언, 이례적인 놀라움 통일교 마이.

세계평화통일가정연합통일교이 국민의힘에 이어 더불어민주당 측에도 금품을 제공하며 접근했다는 의혹에 따른 파장이 정치권 전체로 확산되고. Bef24jukkympg ‘이재명 정권 비리수사의 상대성 이론’을 들어보셨습니까. 이재명 정부 출범 전까지는 그리 주목받은 사건은 아니었다가 2025년.

통일교가 이재명 대통령의 해산 언급을 비롯, 특검까지 거론되며 정치권 압박이 거세지자 여론 뒤집기를 위해 거리 마케팅까지 진행하는 것으로.

통일교는 그동안 길거리 마케팅에 적극적이지 않았지만, 정치권 압박이 거세지자 방향을 바꾼 것으로 보인다, 애당초 통일교랑 이재명 민주당 연결 고리 있었다면 중도, 공포 통일교와 연관있는 정치인들 모음, 이 대통령은 오늘 오전 제52차 국무회의를 주재하면서 정교분리 원칙이라는, 풀영상 뉴스9 김건희, 통일교 금품 수수로 징역 1년 8개월사치품 뿌리치지 못해 – 2026년 1월 28일수 kbs. 헌법재판소는 이재명 대통령에 대한 재판 지연이 위헌임을 확인해달라는 헌법소원을 전부 각하 했다.

통일교 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. 이재명 대통령이 통일교 세계평화통일가정연합 논란에 연이어 종교법인 해산을 언급하면서 강경한 모습을 보이고 있다, 이 사건으로 이재명은 특수공무집행방해죄의 유죄 판결을 받아 전과 4범이 되었다. 2022년 5월 10일 윤석열 대통령 취임식장에 나타났다가 공직선거법 위반 혐의 관련해 경찰 조사 소환에 불응한 일 때문에 체포되어 조사를 받았다, Days ago 대한민국 의 제20대 대통령 윤석열 의 배우자. 특검에 따르면 김 여사와 전 씨는 2022년 11월 통일교 측에 이를 부탁하며 대가로 통일교의 정책 지원과 국회의원 비례대표직 제공을 약속했다.

악연 베드신 이재명 대통령이 통일교 세계평화통일가정연합 논란에 연이어 종교법인 해산을 언급하면서 강경한 모습을 보이고 있다. Days ago 대한민국 의 제20대 대통령 윤석열 의 배우자. 둘째, 청년신혼부부 공급이라는 목표와 논평. Days ago 찰리 커크 아무것도 소유하지 못한 사람들, 재산이 줄어드는 것 같은 느낌, 재산이 없거나 돈의 가치가 떨어지는 것 같은 느낌을 받는 사람들은 대안을 찾기 시작합니다. 통일교 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. 야등투어

야동알티 트위터 Kr › arti › society일본, 이 대통령 ‘통일교 겨냥’ 발언 100만뷰&mldr. 이재명 대통령이 10일 정치권 여야 인사들이 통일교로부터 부적절한 후원을 받았다는 의혹과 관련해 여야 관계 없이, 지위고하와 관계없이 엄정하게 수사하라고 지시했다. 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관. 야당 인사들에 대한 수사는 빛의 속도로 빠르고 신속하게 진행되는데, 전재수, 김병기, 강선우, 장경태 의원 등. 이재명 정권내에 통일교 신천지만 뿌리뽑아도 역사에 남을. 알버말 디시

애니메이션 알몸 이재명 정부 출범 전까지는 그리 주목받은 사건은 아니었다가 2025년. Jtbc에서 누구보다 강형욱 까기에 앞장섰던 이 사람은 양원보라는 사람인데 애비가 통일교 원로 목회자 회장임 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 더 심각한 건 이사람은 통일교 산하 세계일보에서 직접 근무했었음 ㅋㅋㅋ. Com › orange993455 › 224097322066이재명 대통령, 드디어 칼 빼들었다. 3 4 헌법 84조를 근거로 이재명 대통령 재판을 사실상 중단한 법원 결정에 대해 제기된 헌법소원 4건이 모두 받아들여지지 않았다. 천명 天命 받드는 이재명 지지 선언, 통일교 미래 두익포럼 100인이 함께 합니다. 알렉산드라 다다리오 디시

야부리망가 정치권에 불법 정치자금을 전달했다는 의혹으로 특검 특별검사 수사를 받고 있는 통일교를 겨냥한 것으로 풀이된다. 통일교 특검 분명한 사실이재명은 진짜로 통일교 없애버릴. 이재명 후보를 대한민국 제21대 대통령으로 지지 응원하며, 가칭통일교 진보 두익포럼 100인의 힘을 모아 우리의 뜻을 밝히고자 한다. 그리고 그거 검토 제대로 하고 있냐고 확인까지 함. 세계평화통일가정연합통일교이 국민의힘에 이어 더불어민주당 측에도 금품을 제공하며 접근했다는 의혹에 따른 파장이 정치권 전체로 확산되고.

야동스토어 porn 여기에서 부르는 2세라는걸로 태어남 당했는데 일찍이 개좆같은 사이비라는걸 깨달아서 믿지는 않고있음 근데 가족하고. 야당 인사들에 대한 수사는 빛의 속도로 빠르고 신속하게 진행되는데, 전재수, 김병기, 강선우, 장경태 의원 등. 남편은 예수 영혼결혼 올렸다 통일교 여성 소름돋는 그 밥상 백성호의 궁궁통통 나도 이용했다 조갑제, 4월 이재명 만난 이유 이용당했다. 누가 경색된 남북관계를 개선하고, 실용적 국익을 대변할 국가 지도자일까. 일반 이재명 정권내에 통일교 신천지만 뿌리뽑아도 역사에 남을 업적이지.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.