全球第一大傳統菸草商菲莫國際將旗下加熱菸品牌命名為iqos，其實大有深意，所謂「iqos」，就是「i quit original 不過，iqos之前的美國上市之路卻是頻頻受阻.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Iqos originals 拥有最先进的烟草加热系统，采用陶瓷加热刀片，还具有防水、温度控制和清洁系统等功能。该设备及其配套配件推出了4 种新颜色，旨在满足用户的. 日本iqos限量代购🛍️ iqos全称i quit original smoking，意思是我要离开传统烟 iqos从一代到现在的三代，无疑是非常成功的产品，目前除了传统黑白色，. 想入手 iqos originals 但不知道從何開始嗎？ 這篇文章為你詳細解密在臺灣購買 iqos originals 的五大必知事項！ 從真偽管道、產品種類與價格、保固服務到使用提醒，讓你安心購買、享受更健康的加熱菸體驗。. 要先知道你要的是那款煙彈，詳情可看 《如何購買iqos煙彈》。 若你找到 heets 煙彈（首選，因 terea 煙彈懷疑有安全隠患），就用 lil2 、 iqos originals one 或 iqos originals duo 加熱煙機，或用你從前珍藏的 iqos 3 duo、iqos 3 multi、iqos 2.

Obejrzyj Filmik I Dowiedz Się, Jak Z Użyciem Odpowiednich Akcesoriów Bezpiecznie Wyczyścić Urządzenie Iq.

Iqos 是一種由菲利普莫里斯國際（philip morris international，簡稱 pmi）開發的加熱不燃燒 電子煙 產品。與傳統香煙不同，iqos 採用加熱而非燃燒的方式來釋放煙草中的尼古丁和香味，從而減少了有害化學物質的產生。 工作原理 iqos 的 電子菸 核心技術是加熱片，通過精確控制溫度，將煙草加熱到約350.. 想知道 iqos originals 和傳統 iqos 有什麼不一樣嗎？ 這篇文章為你徹底解析！ 我們深入比較兩者的菸草調配、加熱方式和設計理念，讓你不再傻傻分不清。 originals 憑藉其更強調真菸風味的特性，以及更成熟穩重的外觀設計，迅速成為加熱菸市場的新寵兒。..

Iqos originals one只能加热非燃烧设备，在享用传统烟草香味的同时， iqos originals one 是iqos 3 multi的升级版，同样采用加热片加热，属于五代机型.. Iqos originals duo 设备采用专门设计的 heets 烟草棒。 该设备的扁平宽陶瓷刀片可最佳地加热烟草，释放烟草蒸汽，带来类似香烟的满足感。 与香烟相比，含尼古丁的蒸汽释放的有害化学物质含量平均降低 95% 。.. 要先知道你要的是那款煙彈，詳情可看 《如何購買iqos煙彈》。 若你找到 heets 煙彈（首選，因 terea 煙彈懷疑有安全隠患），就用 lil2 、 iqos originals one 或 iqos originals duo 加熱煙機，或用你從前珍藏的 iqos 3 duo、iqos 3 multi、iqos 2.. Iqos originals duo 设备采用专门设计的 heets 烟草棒。 该设备的扁平宽陶瓷刀片可最佳地加热烟草，释放烟草蒸汽，带来类似香烟的满足感。 与香烟相比，含尼古丁的蒸汽释放的有害化学物质含量平均降低 95% 。..

注意︰iqos Originals One 是抽第一代iqos 煙彈的，即iqos Marlboro萬寶路煙彈和iqos Heets煙彈，而不可使用iqos 第二代煙彈，即iqos Terea煙彈或iqos Sentia.

Iqos 是一種由菲利普莫里斯國際（philip Morris International，簡稱 Pmi）開發的加熱不燃燒 電子煙 產品。與傳統香煙不同，iqos 採用加熱而非燃燒的方式來釋放煙草中的尼古丁和香味，從而減少了有害化學物質的產生。 工作原理 Iqos 的 電子菸 核心技術是加熱片，通過精確控制溫度，將煙草加熱到約350.

有趣的是，其實所謂「iqos」，就是「i quit original smoking」的縮寫，意思就是「我放棄抽傳統菸」。身為全球第一大菸草公司的菲莫國際，居然為了, Iqos originals duo 的主要升級改動是，四款標準顏色換了，由從前的黑白藍金，變為黑銀綠紅，隨機的小小清潔器也換了，當然最重要就是名字改了。 iqos 3 duo 已經升級改名為 iqos originals duo！, Iqos originals one只能加热非燃烧设备，在享用传统烟草香味的同时， iqos originals one 是iqos 3 multi的升级版，同样采用加热片加热，属于五代机型.

Beli iqos duo original harga promo & terbaru februari 2023 dapatkan harga iqos duo original termurah di blibli, Tw › articles › 019b84c8a434caf0b1iqos originals與iqos的區別 逸遊線上娛樂平台 逸遊線上娛樂平台, Buy the iqos originals starter pack in scarlet which includes 5 heets packs of all flavors. Iqos originals duo 的主要升級改動是，四款標準顏色換了，由從前的黑白藍金，變為黑銀綠紅，隨機的小小清潔器也換了，當然最重要就是名字改了。 iqos 3 duo 已經升級改名為 iqos originals duo！, Iqos 騙案日新月異 iqos 騙案也好，iqos 虛假陳述的廣告也好，假機當真機賣，翻新機當新機賣，維修機就說成 9成9 新淨，在這經濟低迷的日子，這些個案只會越來越多。 《加熱煙分享站》會秉承一貫宗旨，會盡力客觀測試和報導有關加熱煙和電子煙的資訊，若想減少受騙機會，購買加熱煙和電子.

注意︰iqos originals one 是抽第一代iqos 煙彈的，即iqos marlboro萬寶路煙彈和iqos heets煙彈，而不可使用iqos 第二代煙彈，即iqos terea煙彈或iqos sentia. 雖然iqos電子煙源起於美國，但其市場推廣始於日本，並在全球廣受歡迎。 q7、女性消費者推薦使用什麼顏色的iqos主機？ a：iqos iluma one 最受到女性用戶喜愛的主機顏色為夕陽紅，擁有令人注目的亮度外，還給人開心的愉悅感，成為最推薦女性用戶的主機顏色。. Iqos － 全名为i quit original smoking 意思是我要离开传统吸烟。这款产品不是开玩笑的，现时全球最大烟草商 philip morris 与政府正计划于英国停售传统香烟，转推电子产品 iqos 来取代！ philip morris 是香.

근텀연구소 Iqos 是由 菲利普莫里斯國際 （pmi）推出的 加熱菸草產品，2014年11月首次在 日本 和 義大利上市，該裝置加熱而不燃燒菸草。 1 截至2023年底，無燃燒煙霧產品的銷售額占 pmi 總營收近40%，在美國以外的市場，iqos的營收也已超越萬寶路 2。 世界衛生組織 指出，目前沒有足夠證據證實加熱菸草產品. 要先知道你要的是那款煙彈，詳情可看 《如何購買iqos煙彈》。 若你找到 heets 煙彈（首選，因 terea 煙彈懷疑有安全隠患），就用 lil2 、 iqos originals one 或 iqos originals duo 加熱煙機，或用你從前珍藏的 iqos 3 duo、iqos 3 multi、iqos 2. Buy the iqos originals starter pack in scarlet which includes 5 heets packs of all flavors. Iqos originals one只能加热非燃烧设备，在享用传统烟草香味的同时， iqos originals one 是iqos 3 multi的升级版，同样采用加热片加热，属于五代机型. Buy the iqos originals starter pack in scarlet which includes 5 heets packs of all flavors. 그록 뒤치기

그렇게 배빵이 하고싶다면 Iqos originals duo 的主要升級改動是，四款標準顏色換了，由從前的黑白藍金，變為黑銀綠紅，隨機的小小清潔器也換了，當然最重要就是名字改了。 iqos 3 duo 已經升級改名為 iqos originals duo！. learn more about iqos technology, how it compares to traditional cigarettes, as well as how to use and maintain the device. Buy the iqos originals mobility kit in scarlet. 想入手 iqos originals 但不知道從何開始嗎？這篇文章為你詳細解密在臺灣購買 iqos originals 的五大必知事項！從真偽管道、產品種類與價格、保固服務到使用提醒，讓你安心購買、享受更健康的加熱菸體驗。文章還提醒您，iqos originals 雖然相對傳統菸草較安全，但並非無害，理性使用才是最重要的. 日本iqos限量代购🛍️ iqos全称i quit original smoking，意思是我要离开传统烟 iqos从一代到现在的三代，无疑是非常成功的产品，目前除了传统黑白色，. 귀칼야짤

귀칼 캐릭터 단체 사진 注意︰iqos originals one 是抽第一代iqos 煙彈的，即iqos marlboro萬寶路煙彈和iqos heets煙彈，而不可使用iqos 第二代煙彈，即iqos terea煙彈或iqos sentia. Iqos originals 適合對菸草原味有高度追求的人。如果你是個老菸民，對菸草的風味有著深刻的記憶，那麼iqos originals 可以讓你重溫那份經典的口感。此外，. Obejrzyj filmik i dowiedz się, jak z użyciem odpowiednich akcesoriów bezpiecznie wyczyścić urządzenie iq. The iqos originals holder is part of our heated tobacco system that heats the tobacco sticks heets. Nie wiesz, jak czyścić swojego iqosa originals duo. 그록 삭제 디시

김감전 지예아 가사 Promo & diskon murah ⚡100% original 15 hari retur ⌛ pengiriman cepat gratis ongkir. Nie wiesz, jak czyścić swojego iqosa originals duo. Buy the iqos originals mobility kit in scarlet. 意思是我要离开传统烟 iqos从一代到现在的三代，无疑. Tw › articles › 019b562012a8029b43a5在臺灣購買iqos originals需要注意什麼？ 鉅城直播娛樂平台.

그록4 무료 디시 雖然iqos電子煙源起於美國，但其市場推廣始於日本，並在全球廣受歡迎。 q7、女性消費者推薦使用什麼顏色的iqos主機？ a：iqos iluma one 最受到女性用戶喜愛的主機顏色為夕陽紅，擁有令人注目的亮度外，還給人開心的愉悅感，成為最推薦女性用戶的主機顏色。. 有趣的是，其實所謂「iqos」，就是「i quit original smoking」的縮寫，意思就是「我放棄抽傳統菸」。身為全球第一大菸草公司的菲莫國際，居然為了. Com › watchjak czyścić iqosa originals duo. Promo & diskon murah ⚡100% original 15 hari retur ⌛ pengiriman cepat gratis ongkir. Iqos 是一種由菲利普莫里斯國際（philip morris international，簡稱 pmi）開發的加熱不燃燒 電子煙 產品。與傳統香煙不同，iqos 採用加熱而非燃燒的方式來釋放煙草中的尼古丁和香味，從而減少了有害化學物質的產生。 工作原理 iqos 的 電子菸 核心技術是加熱片，通過精確控制溫度，將煙草加熱到約350.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.