US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 5, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 5, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 5, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 5, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 5, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 5, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 5, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 5, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 5, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 5, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 5, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 5, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 5, 2026.
2019년 3월 2일, hkt48 12번째 싱글 意志의 선발 멤버로 발표되었다. 실제 투숙객들의 생생한 호텔 후기를 한눈에 볼 수 있습니다. 겐페이 전투16 아와즈 전투 칸랴쿠 3년1184년 1월 21일, 미나모토노 요리토모源頼朝의 명령을 받은 미나모토노 요시츠네源義経와 전투한 키소노 요시나카木曽義仲가 비와호 부근인 아와즈에서 패배해 전사했습니다. His father was a civil servant who moved the family to nagoya in 1946, where reiji hiramatsu would grow up.
히라마츠 아키코 file 파일명100px키미요시 토우지 公由 冬司cv.. Jpg 출생 2004년 1월 15일 출신지 나가사키현 국적 소속그룹 helloyouth sns 파일인스타그램 아이콘.. 1998년 《만능 문화 고양이 소녀 dash..
단, 제작 스케쥴 사정상 예외적으로 다른 성우를 기용한 경우가 있으므로 이 경우는 따로 표시해 준다. 히라마츠 나오키 분류일본의 애니메이션 프로듀서 분류일본의 남성 기업인 히라마츠 나오키 | naoki hiramatsu 출생 미상 남동생 히라마츠 히로카즈 가 1960년생임을 감안하면 1950년대생으로 추정된다, He began his artistic career after graduating and developed into one of the foremost representatives of nihonga. Eve 의 노래와 야마시타 신고, moaang, 히라마츠 타다시 가 그려낸 영상이 잘 어우러지며 좋은 반응을 얻었고 그.
죠의 아버지이자 이 학교 축구부 캡틴 출신인 인물, რა საოცრება იყო ეს, რა საიდუმლო, რა სასწაული იყო ეს, Movie_title release_date nationality_first nationality production_company distributor movie_rate genre director actor 분신사바저주의 시작 20140930 중국 중국 유조이앤컨텐츠그룹 15세이상관람가 스릴러,공포 호러 안병기 궈징페이,매정 헨젤과 그레텔 2014 20140930 미국 미국 스크린조이. 그래서 한국어로 이 곡의 제목은 마성의 여자 a로 해석되어 알려졌다. 선생님 정말좋아 시노미야 츠키요 수중치료실 미즈노 시오네 실격의사 소노야마 아이라 실락의 신녀 마츠노 에미 예양 캐스터 2 신죠우 마리아 유부녀 마작 류우젠지 카츠코 유혹 제2장 아토 오노데라 코우메, 모리무라 아유미. 실제 투숙객들의 생생한 호텔 후기를 한눈에 볼 수 있습니다.
뮤직비디오에도 본인이 직접 출연하지 않았으며, 마성의 여자 a 뮤직비디오 때부터는 2006년생 모델 히라마츠 소노 平松想乃가 그녀의 뮤즈로서 계속 출연하고 있다, 성우는 애니메이션 드라마 cd 게임판ps2, ds, 데이브레이크이 동일하다, 축구부 몰락의 시작점에 있었던 것으로 보인다. 하나야기 카오루코, 호시미 쥰나 아키카제 루이, 타나카 유유코. 部屋とyシャツと私 방과 와이셔츠와 나 平松愛理 히라마츠 에리 お願いがあるのよ 오네가이가아루노요 부탁이 있어 あなたの苗字になる私 아나타노묘지니나루와타시 당신의 가족이 되는 나를 大事に思うならば 다이지니오모우나라바. Jpg 출생 2004년 1월 15일 출신지 나가사키현 국적 소속그룹 helloyouth sns 파일인스타그램 아이콘.
ㅜㅜ 일본어 독해, 읽기 일본어 일본유학 일본아이돌 아이돌 인스타 히라마츠코노 히라마츠소노.. Femme fatale a의 뜻은, 치명적인 매력을 가진 여자 a라는 뜻이다..
재생하기 바로보기가 지원되지 않는 파일입니다. 2020년 11월 2일 서일본시티은행 hkt48 극장 오픈기념공연 read more, 츠키노, 소데노 시라유키, 히라마츠 소노 키, 쿄스키 소노, 노. 38 0909 18 7 9336080 성격은 일진인데 얼굴땜시 숨기고 삶 ㅇㅇ125, 더 히라마츠 호텔 & 리조트 센고쿠하라 후기 50건을 트립닷컴에서 확인해 보세요. The latest posts from @ilysbsummer.
The latest posts from @ilysbsummer, 히노 미호 히라마츠 아키코 히로세 유카 히로세 히토미 히토미 59, 히라마츠 카나코, 히라타 리카코, 신카이 리나 桜咲く門を緊張しながら사쿠라사쿠모은오키은죠시나가라벚꽃이 피어나는 문을 긴장하며 春風に押され. 프랑스어로 팜 파탈이라고 읽으며 요부, 섹시한 여배우라는 뜻이다, 38 0904 23 5 9336078 히라마츠 소노 사주 역갤러211, 다로메온, 산드로비치 야바코, 대원씨아이dcw.
Replying to @han_n1e3 great question. 그래서 한국어로 이 곡의 제목은 마성의 여자 a로 해석되어 알려졌다. 상업시설로는 맥스밸류 및 tsutaya, 벨시티 스소노가 있으며 인근에 스소노 시청이 있다, 히라마츠 세이나 분류일본 여가수 분류helloyouth 히라마츠 세이나 平松聖菜 파일 히라마츠 세이나 2024, რა საღვთო ლიტურგია იყო ეს, რომელიც აერთიანებდა ზეციურს მიწიერთან.
qwer deepfake av 部屋とyシャツと私 방과 와이셔츠와 나 平松愛理 히라마츠 에리 お願いがあるのよ 오네가이가아루노요 부탁이 있어 あなたの苗字になる私 아나타노묘지니나루와타시 당신의 가족이 되는 나를 大事に思うならば 다이지니오모우나라바. 이 성을 쓰는 사람들 히라마쓰 구니오 일본 의 정치인 히라마츠. 히노 미호 히라마츠 아키코 히로세 유카 히로세 히토미 히토미 59. 성우는 애니메이션 드라마 cd 게임판 ps2, ds, 데이브레이크이 동일하다. 죠의 아버지이자 이 학교 축구부 캡틴 출신인 인물. pikpak 街拍
ppv 2483055 Ske48의 마스코트, 카나카나라 하는 히라마츠 카나코입니다. 본작을 기반으로 하는 ds판의 신규 시나리오 요이고시 편의 메인 캐릭터이기도 하다. 성우는 애니메이션 드라마 cd 게임판ps2, ds, 데이브레이크이 동일하다. 佐賀県からやってきました。見た目はクール 中身はがきんちょ その名もー?(そのちゃーん)ありがとうございます。高校1年生15歳の宮﨑想乃です。よろしくお願いします。. 소라노 미츠키에 대한 심층험과 비하인드 스토리. porn seohavivi
pikpak 兄妹 더 히라마츠 호텔 & 리조트 센고쿠하라 후기 50건을 트립닷컴에서 확인해 보세요. He began his artistic career after graduating and developed into one of the foremost representatives of nihonga. 스위트 2개룸, 킹 침대 1개금연 스위트 침실 1개, 퀸 침대 청각시설 지원 스위트 침실 1개, 킹 침대 프리미엄 마운틴 뷰 스위트 킹 침대 1개. 지식in에서 일본배우 태그와 관련된 q&a를 만나보세요. Com › ilysbsummer › status@ilysbsummer x. pornwavve.com
pikpak 撮影会 たこ焼き 食い放題🐙‼️ @平松想乃 히라마츠 소노 平松想乃 seju sono. 역 주변은 스소노시의 중심지로, 주변에는 상점 및 주택가가 늘어서 있다. 선발 멤버는 16명이나 타이틀 곡 녹음은 오오야 마사나, 쿠와바라 미즈키, 타카다 시오리, 데구치 아키, 나카니시 유카, 히라타 리카코, 히라마츠 카나코, 마츠이 쥬리나. Net › square › 3944952334더쿠 일본 z세대에게 예뻐서 인기있다는 특정 소속사 연예인들 얼굴. 초코의 행방 ㅣ 히라타, 오오야, 신카이, 히라마츠 2nd 유닛 glory days ㅣ 신카이, 야가미, 야마시타 이 가슴의 바코드 ㅣ 나카니시, 히라타, 히라마츠 윔블던에 데려가 줘 ㅣ 타카다, 마츠이쥬, 마츠시타 비의 피아니스트 ㅣ 오오야, 쿠와바라, 데구치.
pikpak 力武靖 뒤의 바이올린 반주는 この子の七つのお祝いに의 첫부분과 연결된다. 182 0906 20 0 9336079 211 저년 글수정했네 일반인들 있는 고소갤에 안물어보고 상담하면 된다고 ㅇㅇ223. 그래서 한국어로 이 곡의 제목은 마성의 여자 a로 해석되어 알려졌다. Net › square › 3944952334더쿠 일본 z세대에게 예뻐서 인기있다는 특정 소속사 연예인들 얼굴. 스위트 2개룸, 킹 침대 1개금연 스위트 침실 1개, 퀸 침대 청각시설 지원 스위트 침실 1개, 킹 침대 프리미엄 마운틴 뷰 스위트 킹 침대 1개.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 5, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 5, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 5, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 5, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
일본 시즈오카 스소노시 히라마츠 5467 연락가능한 전화번호 090 6020 2242 카톡 아이디 jackie225 email lilial., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.