120 댓글 게임하는 남자여자 다 극혐 적당히 취미로하는수준 넘어서서 xerxes 20230914 1209 ip 118.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

평생 포기 못할 취미거든미래 배우자도 즐겁게 같은 취미를 즐겼으면 하는데 쉽지 않네세간에선 문신한 여자, 게임하는 여자 거르라고 하는데 직접 경험해보니 무슨 의미인진 알 것도 같고근데 게임하는 남자들도 괜찮은 사람 많듯이, 게임하는 여자들도. Com › board › owgenjiredirecting to sgall. 국내 최대 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. 여자들은 대부분 남자보다 게임을 안하는가.

그리고 존ㄴ나 여자이름인데 이쁜 여자 이름은 90%이상 다 남자임 이건뭐 다들알지.

게임하는 여자들은 그 양극화가 더 심하다 위에서 말은 안했는데 예쁜데 게임하면 가산점이지만 그 이하인년이 게임하면 같은 여자친구들끼리 페북태그하면서 놀 능력도 시간도 없다는 반증.

어디서 보니까 생존100일 채우면 구조헬기타고.. O 여자 외모가 그래도 ㅍㅌㅊ는 치고 정상적인 사회생활을 한다고 가정하면 과연 방구석에 박혀서 게임 할 시간이 있으며 겜창짓을 할것인가..

상세 편집 말 그대로 여자 게임방송 마이너 갤러리이기 때문에 갤러리 초기에는 대부분의 글들이 여 스트리머에 관련된 글들이였지만, 시간이 지나면서 남자 스트리머에 관련된 글들도 많이 작성되었다.

요즘 와우엔 없는거같아 남아있는 여성분들도 95프로 이상은 다 아줌마야 이젠.

근데 옵치는 빈약한 공간지각력과 능지로도 캐리한다고 느끼게 해주는 실제론 씹트롤중 힐러라는 역할 때문에 여자 비율이 높은거고 좆목질 때문이면 모든 게임의 여자 비율이 다 비슷비슷해야됨 2023.

그냥 얼굴은 존나이쁜데 게임을 좋아하는 분류 얼굴존나이쁜데 지얼굴에 별로관심없고 게임좋아하거나 아니면 지 이쁜거알아서 방송하면서 겜하는애들, Com › board › view게임하는 여자는 쳐다도 안봐야하는 이유 여자겜창 가이드. 게임하는 여자는 쳐다도 안봐야하는 이유 여자겜창 가이드 메갤러211. 운동은 남자vs여자가 신체적 차이가 나니깐 인정해도게임은 그런것도 없잖아, 어떤 게임이던 동시간대 유저 + 동시간대 경험이면 무조건 남자가 여자보다 잘하잖아 100%는 아니지만 1000명중 999명은 그렇고 뭔가 이유가있으려나, 필자는 조에구간 턱걸이주차하는 실력이었음 일반전디스코드즐겜파티 여자있는팟가서 목소리깔고 존나양학하다보면 여자애들한테 담에 또하자고 친추 존나옴 같이 해주면서 친해진담에 적당히 구슬려서 카톡으로 넘어간담에 랜뚫하면됨.

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근데 가끔 여자들이 자신의 이름을 합성시켜서 짓는 경우가 있는데 이경우는 좀 귀엽거나 이쁜 캐릭터나 챔피언 이름에 자기이름을 섞는 경우임, 일단 게임에서 여자만나면 안되는 이유 vct 챔피언스 서울, 남자들이 게임하는 여자를 안 만나는 게 이해가 안된다는, 36 댓글 게임에서 여왕벌 달려드는 껄떡남들 얼마나 많은데. 내가한말이지만정말 시대를 관통하는 명언이다.

송엘 디시인사이드에서 다양한 주제를 다루며 활발한 커뮤니티 활동이 이루어지고 있는 게시판입니다. 18 1836 맛동산먹고맛있는 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 오 여자입장에서도 얘기들어보고싶네여 어쩌다가 카톡 주고받고 만나기까지 한건가요. 게임하는 여자 하니 전설의 마비노기여친썰 생각나노 리듬. 적당하면 괜찮은데 과하면 싫죠 ㅋㅋㅋ 달님별님00 20230914 1153 ip 175. 디시인사이드에서 다양한 주제를 다루며 활발한 커뮤니티 활동이 이루어지고 있는 게시판입니다. 소년이 어른이 되는 여름 보기

수호성 디시 국내 최대 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. 24 0954 내친구 여자 연예인 좋아해서 여자연예인 이름에 뒤에 막 붙여서 지었는데 남자들이 여자인줄알고 존나 잘해줌 ㅋㅋㅋ 내 친구는 굳이 밝히진 않고 호구들 잘빨아먹음 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 내가민초라니 2020. 성비가 씹창난 영역이라, 니눈엔 안그래보여도 게임하는 여자는 대부분 디스코드 개 씨발 빨간불임. Com › 2897353325게임 좋아하는 여자랑 절대 사귀자마라 연애상담 에펨코리아. Com › board › owgenjiredirecting to sgall. 순수끝판왕 아트 디시

섹스타그램 게임에서 만나거나 어플로 여자만나는건 많은 리스크를 감수. 요즘 세상에 못생긴 여자들은 높은 확률로 성격도 ㅈ같다 2. 여자들이 게임하는건 걍 피시방가서 친구들이랑 하거나 남친이랑 하거나 그런거니까 라이트하게하는거고 이건 브실골플에 널린 라이트유저들 남자도 다 포함임 매일매일 66이 낫니 자경이 낫니 고정이 낫니 아나는 이래서 사기니 패치가 어떻니 저떻니. 전부다 존못 씹멸치거나 돼지육수 여자들이였음. 여자친구가 게임 잘하는 게 너무 ㅈ같다는 디시인. 섹트 박영자

소람잉 kissjav 내가한말이지만정말 시대를 관통하는 명언이다. 주5일 알바 끝나면 게임 주말에도 집에서 겜함. Com › board › owgenjiredirecting to sgall. X 남자건 여자건 외모가 어느정도 견적이 나오고 정상적인 사회생활을. 게임에서 만나거나 어플로 여자만나는건 많은 리스크를 감수.

섹뜨 게임하는 여자들은 그 양극화가 더 심하다 위에서 말은 안했는데 예쁜데 게임하면 가산점이지만 그 이하인년이 게임하면 같은 여자친구들끼리 페북태그하면서 놀 능력도 시간도 없다는 반증. 어떤 게임이던 동시간대 유저 + 동시간대 경험이면 무조건 남자가 여자보다 잘하잖아 100%는 아니지만 1000명중 999명은 그렇고 뭔가 이유가있으려나. Com › board › owgenjiredirecting to sgall. 남자들이 게임하는 여자를 안 만나는 게 이해가 안된다는. 와이프 결혼하고 3년만에 30키로 불었다 울고싶다 이제 야한 코스프레해줘도 살 삐져나온거 보면 걍 울고싶다 맨날 집에서 게임만하는데 진짜 사람이 하.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.