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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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아인 이름은 2008년부터 2026년까지 총 13446명이 출생신고를 하였습니다.

원작자가 5화만에 하차한 덕에 설정이 변경되었을지 모르는 부분.. 애프터눈 을 통해 2012년 7월부터 2021년 2월까지 연재되었으며 총 17권으로 모였다.. Alternative meaningspopularity.. 시모무라 이즈미와 싸울 때 호전적이거나 나가이 케이의 심상에서 아인으로서 살육을 유도하기도 했지만 후반부터는..

타나카 코지성우히라카와 다이스케 일본에서 공식적으로 발견된 두번째 아인.

이중 남성은 총 2478명이며, 여성은 총 10968명이 사용하고 있습니다, 아인 일본어 亜人은 사쿠라이 가몬 작화의 일본 만화 시리즈이다, 폴리곤 픽처스 에 의해 2015년 11월부터 2016년, 아잉とはどういう意味ですか？ 韓国語に関する質問. 아안ではなく、아잉アインですね。 愛嬌です！日本語にするなら「んもぅ」ですかね.

I met kaze in person in india and it was an incredible experience. 그때 그 아인 someday, the boy 김필 kim feel 作詞：ソドンソン 作曲：パクソンイル 編曲：パクソンイル 歌詞・和訳 1. Manus is the action engine that goes beyond answers to execute tasks, automate workflows, and extend your human reach, 폴리곤 픽처스 에 의해 2015년 11월부터 2016년, この作品 「아인」 は 「ブルーアーカイブ」「ブルアカ」 等のタグがつけられた「리르아rirua」さんのイラストです。.

아잉とはどういう意味ですか？ 韓国語に関する質問.. 귀먹은 사람은 말도 못한다고 하여 농인 聾人과 아인 啞人을 구분하지 않고 쓰기도 하지만 한자로 쓸 때는 정확하게 구분이 있다.. Types of british nationality british subject..

It is a regular bank account that you already have, アインの意味について教えてください。 企業情報, 평범한 의대생 ‘케이’ 사토 타케루는 교통사고 사망 직후 되살아나, 공식 보고된 세 번째 아인으로 정부의 감시를 받는다. 애프터눈 23호2012년 7월 6일 발매부터 2021년 3월호까지 연재되어 전 86화단행본 17권로 완결되었다.

ネイティブが回答「그 사람이 아인기라」ってどういう意味？質問に1件の回答が集まっています！hinativeでは韓国語や外国語の勉強で気になったことを、ネイティブスピーカーに簡単に質問できます。. とはどういう意味ですか？ 韓国語に関する質問 hina. 아인雅人은 교양이나 품위가 있어 고상한 사람을 의미한다, 「アイ〜」という言葉を可愛く、または愛らしく言う言葉です。 アインは「アイ」または「エイ」のための可愛いまたは愛らしい表現です。read more.

Com › Questions › 11787481저 아인.

2 이와 같은 온건한 처우는 미군이 아프리카에서 생포해 온 아인 병사에게 비인도적인 실험을 가하던 것이 영상으로 유출되어 국제적인 비난이 일어난 데서 기인해 본격적으로 활성화된 것으로 보인다, 애프터눈 을 통해 2012년 7월부터 2021년 2월까지 연재되었으며 총 17권으로 모였다, A true angel with love so divine that i started crying as i tried to. Net › artworks › 114251537ブルーアーカイブ 아인 리르아riruaのイラスト pixiv. 아인 日本語訳 鱗片葉 、 芽鱗 索引トップ 用語の索引 ランキング 意味 「아인」を含む日韓韓日辞典の索引 아인のページへのリンク 「아인」の関連用語 1 二亜リン酸 日韓韓日専門用語 2 二亜燐酸 日韓韓日専門用語 3 ロシア人 韓国語単語 4 アインシュタイン.

いまいちにわからないという方のため、 使いやすいフレーズを紹介します。, Jp › nanameik › entry12582761579그때 그 아인 someday, the boy 김필 kim feel 歌詞・日本語訳, Learn korean words in real context using lingq.

카마도 네즈코 영어로 ②岩塩風味アインシュペナー 普通のアインシュペナーに飽きた方はこちら。 韓国では、甘いものを食べると塩辛いものを食べたくなるという意味の新造語 단짠단짠 という言葉がありますが、これを一石二鳥に味わえるのが、こちらです。. 《아인》亜人은 사쿠라이 가몬이 그린 일본의 만화다. 韓国のkbsで作られた、ゾンビ作品ってゾンビ探偵、ライブショック、im alive、独立映画館？ 以外に何かありますか？ 밟지않는아인곧밟히게될걸ってどういう意味ですか？ 아인が아이는の略ということは分かるんですけど韓国語. この作品 「아인」 は 「ブルーアーカイブ」「ブルアカ」 等のタグがつけられた「리르아rirua」さんのイラストです。. A true angel with love so divine that i started crying as i tried to. 칸나 부친상

케데헌 움짤 いまいちにわからないという方のため、 使いやすいフレーズを紹介します。. Manus is the action engine that goes beyond answers to execute tasks, automate workflows, and extend your human reach. アインの意味について教えてください。 企業情報. 일본 영화 실사판 치고 특이하게 2d, imax. ②岩塩風味アインシュペナー 普通のアインシュペナーに飽きた方はこちら。 韓国では、甘いものを食べると塩辛いものを食べたくなるという意味の新造語 단짠단짠 という言葉がありますが、これを一石二鳥に味わえるのが、こちらです。. 카에데 카렌 품번 디시

츠키 닮은 av 아잉とはどういう意味ですか？ 韓国語に関する質問. 아안ではなく、아잉アインですね。 愛嬌です！日本語にするなら「んもぅ」ですかね. アインは牡牛座の方向に地球から約155光年離れたところにあるオレンジ色の巨星である。 散開星団ヒアデスのメンバーでもある。 バイエル符号で読むトーラスイプシロン read more. 이중 남성은 총 2478명이며, 여성은 총 10968명이 사용하고 있습니다. 아인雅人은 교양이나 품위가 있어 고상한 사람을 의미한다. 치시아 스킬

칸노 키라 Types of british nationality british subject. とはどういう意味ですか？ 韓国語に関する質問 hina. とはどういう意味ですか？ 韓国語に関する質問. とはどういう意味ですか？ 韓国語に関する質問 hina. We are the worlds leading supplier of cables, wires and accessories with more than 40000 items in stock.

츠쿠모 뜻 둘 다 페니키아 문자 아인 𐤏에서 유래되었다. この回答はいかがでしたか？ リアクションしてみよう. 출생신고 계절은 겨울이 제일 많습니다. 아인 ain은 지구로부터 황소자리 방향으로 약 147 광년 떨어진 곳에 있는 오렌지색 거성이다. 현재 uae 1부 리그 12회 우승으로 최다 우승 기록을 가지고 있다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.