제이슨 므라즈는 조용필로 분한 정성호와 무대를 꾸몄다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

홍현희 제이슨제이쓴남편가족준범둘째프로필백반기행. 국내에 알려진 부제는 뉴욕에간 제이슨 혹은 맨해튼에간 제이슨이지만, 적절하게 의역하자면 맨해튼을 접수한 제이슨이 되겠다. `비스` 홍현희♡제이슨, 엇갈린 뽀뽀 타이밍으로. 홍현희, 진지하게 제이쓴과 이혼 생각했다처음.

29k Likes, 170 Comments Billboard_korea On Novem 뉴진스 🤝 제이슨, 드디어 만났다.

라스 알 굴 제이슨 아이작스 Jason Isaacs 14 원작에선 슈퍼보이 프라임 의 깽판으로 차원의 경계가 흔들리며 부활한 제이슨의 정보를 우연히 입수하고 그를 암살자 동맹에 데려와 훈련시키지만, 폐인 상태에서 벗어나지 못하자 내치려던 것을 탈리아 알 굴이.

오늘은 아내의맛 방송에서 활약중인 홍현희와 그의 남편 제이쓴에 대해 알아보는 시간 가지도록 하겠습니다.. Days ago 대한민국 의 인테리어 디자이너이자 방송인.. 다른부부도 재미있지만 그중에서도 홍현희 제이슨 부부의 케미는 보는.. 리암 니슨 주연, 피에르 모렐 연출, 뤽 베송 제작각본..

당시 출연료를 연봉으로 따지만 10억 원이 넘을 것으로 추정된다, 홍현희 프로필, 나이, 키, 고향, 학력, 남편 제이쓴, 소속사 홍현희는 2007년 sbs 9기 공채 개그맨으로 데뷔했습니다. 그리고 파라마운트 픽처스의 마지막 13일의 금요일 배급 영화, 🎉 홍쓴tv 라이브 공지 🎉 준범이 탄생한 지 벌써 1000일.

`비스` 홍현희♡제이슨, 엇갈린 뽀뽀 타이밍으로. 개그맨 공채시험에 합격하고 사표를 냈지만 얼마후 다니던 회사에 계약직으로 복직했다가 회사내에서 여행상품을 내건 행사에서 계약직이라서 우승을 했음에도 참여하지 못하자 그만두고 다시 개그계에 도전했다고 하네요. 정보가 밝혀지자 기존의 쾌걸 조로리를 알던 사람들은 이게 뭐하자는 짓이냐며 대차게 까고 있는 중.

다른부부도 재미있지만 그중에서도 홍현희 제이슨 부부의 케미는 보는.

개그맨 공채시험에 합격하고 사표를 냈지만 얼마후 다니던 회사에 계약직으로 복직했다가 회사내에서 여행상품을.. 홍현희 개그맨 희극인 출생1982년 5월 10일 신장156cm 배우자제이슨 2018년 학력국제미용예술전문학교 방송아내의 맛 출연중 소속사브리스 엔터테인먼트 데뷔2007년 sbs 9기 공채 개그맨.. 29k likes, 170 comments billboard_korea on novem 뉴진스 🤝 제이슨, 드디어 만났다.. 남편 제이쓴의 방송 출연료까지 더하면 홍현희와 제이슨 부부의 수입은 상당할 것으로 예상된다..

뉴진스 @newjeans_official Eta를 미국에서 바이럴 되도록 만든 장본인인 인기 스트리머 제이슨.

오지헌 吳知憲 1, 1979년 4월 18일 은 대한민국 의 희극 배우이다. △상록타워 리모델링 투시도, 제이슨과, 결혼 전 제이슨과 떠난 스페인 여행, 숙소 sbs. 홍현희 子, 벌써부터 남다른 맵시 ♥제이슨이 스타일리스트, 홍현희는 남편 제이슨과의 연애시절 떠났던 스페인 여행 중 숙소에만 있었던 에피소드를 전한다.

링콩이 누드 4,316 followers, 626 following, 1,257 posts 정진욱 개그맨 졸탄리더 @jung_jinwook on instagram zoltan comedy team 틱톡 아이디 jung_jin_wook youtube 졸탄tv youtube 잘파는형제 네이버쇼핑 잘파는형제 대표. 인테리어 디자이너 제이쓴과 결혼 후 인생의 꽃길이 열려 행복한 나날을 read more. 제이슨므라즈 수난시대 열창 중 韓개그맨에 굴욕. 이후 프로 쉐딩러인 홍현희와 좋은 안목을 가지고 있는 제이슨의 실력으로 이상준의 소개팅을 위해 머리부터 발끝까지 그의 메이크업을 진행했습니다. 《13일의 금요일 8 맨하탄에 나타난 제이슨》 영어 friday the 13th part viii jason takes manhattan은 미국 에서 제작된 롭 헤든 감독의 1989년 슬래셔 영화 이다. 류진 전자담배

린네 유출 1985년 미식 축구 명예의 전당에 헌액되었다. 그녀는 임신 중에도 7개나 되는 방송에 출연하는 등 활발한 방송 활동을 펼친 것으로 유명하다. Com › @hongssontv홍현희 제이쓴의 홍쓴tv youtube. 일요일 일요일 밤에 mbc 청춘행진곡 mbc 논리 쏙. 제이슨 므라즈는 개그맨들과 함께 노래를 부르는 시간을 가졌다. 로리 거유 히토미

룸카페 유출 홍현희 子, 벌써부터 남다른 맵시 ♥제이슨이 스타일리스트. 당시 출연료를 연봉으로 따지만 10억 원이 넘을 것으로 추정된다. 오지헌 吳知憲 1, 1979년 4월 18일 은 대한민국 의 희극 배우이다. 홍현희는 스개파에서 선보인 노이로제 캐릭터로 많은 사랑을 받았으며, 제이슨 역시 방송 활동을 통해 대중에게 친숙한 얼굴이 되었다. 1 더군다나 극장판에서 조연을 맡으면서 부관. 리정 슴가

르봉꾸앙 🎉 홍쓴tv 라이브 공지 🎉 준범이 탄생한 지 벌써 1000일. 오지헌 吳知憲 1, 1979년 4월 18일 은 대한민국 의 희극 배우이다. `비스` 홍현희♡제이슨, 엇갈린 뽀뽀 타이밍으로. 요즘 잠깐 쉬고 있다고 인사를 전했다. 🎉 홍쓴tv 라이브 공지 🎉 준범이 탄생한 지 벌써 1000일.

리그오브레전드 히토미 제이쓴 역시 모자와 나시티로 패션 센스를 read more. 연예계 다산의 아이콘이자 2022년 기준 젊은 층에는 다산으로 유명하다. 3k views 2 years ago. 그녀는 임신 중에도 7개나 되는 방송에 출연하는 등 활발한 방송 활동을 펼친 것으로 유명하다. 폭탄이 터지고도 즉사하지 못하고, 마지막까지 가장 괴로운 방법으로 고통받다 죽은 셈이다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.