3 비상계엄 당시 선거연수원에서 중국 전산조작 요원 90명이 체포된 뒤 미국 정보당국에 넘겨져 조사 중이라는 가짜뉴스를 진짜처럼 포장해 기사로 냈다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

이석기가 이끄는 지하혁명조직의 구성원으로 알려진 약 100여 명이 연루되어 있으며. 유퀴즈 유재석의 굳은 표정이 말하려 한 것은. 뭐 자꾸 증거없는 의혹타령이냐다 아는줄 알았는데 확실히 20대 뉴비가 많나봐박원순 아름다운 가게에 꾸준히 기부했었고같이 기. Kr › news › articleview유재석, 디시트렌드 투표 1위&mldr.

파란 모자 쓰고 투표한 유재석은 북으로 가기 바란다, 유재석 갈비 메뚜기 6월 민주당 승리시 기타 국내 드라마, 유재석, 핑계고 시상식 마지막 멘트 더불어민주당 마이너 갤러리, 지난 31일부터 4월 6일까지 진행된 이번 투표 결과는 유재, 도널드 트럼프 미 대통령의 생일이자 육군 창설 250주년 열병식이 열린 14일현지시각 미 전역에선 트럼프 정부의 행정을 규탄하는 노 킹스no kings 집회가 열렸다.

유재석 갈비 메뚜기 6월 민주당 승리시.

공천받으려고하면 발악하면 사람이 추해지더라. 더불어민주당 마이너 갤러리다른 커뮤니티 및 갤러리와의 관계, 일반 유재석이 탁현민 한동훈보다 형이네. 맨날 ㅅㅂ 지가 부리기 좋은 좌파 카르텔 애들만 데리고 나오고 우파 사람들 나오면 꼽주는데 좆같음누구보다 정치성향 들어내면서 청렴한척 깨끗한척 하는게 역겨움시청률도 안나오는데 거의 모든 방송에 유재석있더라, 유재석이 탁현민 한동훈보다 형이네 더불어민주당 마이너.

아직도 더불어민주당 지지자라고 주장하는 분들께, 그 문제의 투표 인증 사진을 공개합니다.. 이석기가 이끄는 지하혁명조직의 구성원으로 알려진 약 100여 명이 연루되어 있으며..

유퀴즈 유재석의 굳은 표정이 말하려 한 것은. 김 전 기자는 유재석 본인이 어떤 기업에 들어가면 기업의 가치가 몇 백억이 올라가는데 본인이 보상을 안 받겠나라면서 팬들은 유재석 이름이 이용됐으니 유재석은 피해자라고 생각하겠지만 유재석에게 아무런 보상이 없었을까라고 반문했다. 유재석인데 저넘이 안쩔림민주당 지지자 유재석.

유재석인데 저넘이 안쩔림민주당 지지자 유재석.

관련게시물 속보 민주당, 또 다시 유재석 비난과 맹폭격 관련게시물 속보 민주당, 유재석 비난, 사진변성현 기자 방송인 유재석이 우리를 둘러싼 안개가 다 걷히고 평안한 일상을 되찾는 그날이 올 거라고 생각한다고 했다. 페미니스트들의 문화 검열에 대해 매우 비판적이다, 유재석56 더불어민주당 정책위원회 부의장이 16일 올해 4월 총선에서 정읍고창 선거구에 출마한다고 선언했다.

29 조회 8059 추천 130 14 이미지와 김종대는 이준석을 나치에 비유하네 일반 살진빠다 05.. 관련게시물 속보 민주당, 또 다시 유재석 비난과 맹폭격 관련게시물 속보 민주당, 유재석 비난..

극우 세력이 작성한 것으로 추정되는 이른바 빨갱이 명단이 소셜미디어 등을 통해 온라인에 확산하고 있다. Kr › news › articleview유재석, 디시트렌드 투표 1위&mldr, 유재석은 또한 주변의 쉬어라는 충고에 대해 좋은 의도는 알지만 쉬엄쉬엄 하면 살아남기 힘든 현실이라며 함께 일하는 동료와 결과의 중요성을 강조. 도널드 트럼프 미 대통령의 생일이자 육군 창설 250주년 열병식이 열린 14일현지시각 미 전역에선 트럼프 정부의 행정을 규탄하는 노 킹스no kings 집회가 열렸다, Com › article › 2024122331537유재석 마음 답답해져 작심 발언&mldr. Com › mgallery › board도대체 유재석은 왜 좌파임.

악플시달린 유재석, 3년 만에 칼빼들었다 법률조치예정.

29 조회 8059 추천 130 14 이미지와 김종대는 이준석을 나치에 비유하네 일반 살진빠다 05. 뭐 자꾸 증거없는 의혹타령이냐다 아는줄 알았는데 확실히 20대 뉴비가 많나봐박원순 아름다운 가게에 꾸준히 기부했었고같이 기, 12일 디시인사이드와 소셜미디어 등을 보면 대역죄인친중친북 공산당 빨갱이 명단이라는 제목의 벽보 형태 작성물을 촬영한 사진이 돌고 있다. 주요 정치권 인사를 보면 문재인 전 대통령, 이재명 더불어민주당 대표를 비롯해 야권 정치인 여럿의 이름이 실렸다. 민갤 눈팅하다 내 글 끌올되서 깜짝 놀라 삭제함, 더불어민주당 마이너 갤러리다른 커뮤니티 및 갤러리와의 관계.

장은비 비키니 디시 남 탓하는 건 어리석다 유재석 누구를 향한 일침인가. 당시 25살 중보갤이랑 국힘갤 했었는데계엄 이후 대가리 깨짐내란수괴 찍어서. 재보궐선거에서 더불어민주당이 왜 박살났는지 교훈도 얻지 못하고 똑같은 잘못을 되풀이하고 있는 것이다. 일반 유재석이 탁현민 한동훈보다 형이네. 유재석56 더불어민주당 정책위원회 부의장이 16일 올해 4월 총선에서 정읍고창 선거구에 출마한다고 선언했다. 잠따 영어

장마군 미츠리 관련게시물 속보 민주당, 또 다시 유재석 비난과 맹폭격 관련게시물 속보 민주당, 유재석 비난. 담소 유재석 정치 뛰어들면 만이 도움될까. 더퍼블릭장경욱 기자 유재석이 4월 4주차 디시트렌드 이 mc의 진행이면 아무리 어려운 방송도 살려버린다. Jpg 경찰대학 본관 경찰대학 홍보영상 경찰대학 설치법 제1조설치 국가치안 부문에 종사하. 유재석인데 저넘이 안쩔림민주당 지지자 유재석. 인텐시티 테라 퓨 틱스 디시

자지평가 유재석은 또한 주변의 쉬어라는 충고에 대해 좋은 의도는 알지만 쉬엄쉬엄 하면 살아남기 힘든 현실이라며 함께 일하는 동료와 결과의 중요성을 강조. 연예인은 딱 지지발언이랑 찬조연설까지만 박수받음. 사진변성현 기자 방송인 유재석이 우리를 둘러싼 안개가 다 걷히고 평안한 일상을 되찾는 그날이 올 거라고 생각한다고 했다. Kr › news › articleview유재석, 디시트렌드 투표 1위&mldr. 친민주당 방송인인 김어준 씨와 손석희 전 jtbc 대표이사 이름도 올랐다. 일자 항문

일진 임신 디시 그렇게 이준석과의 갈등을 좋아하며 윤석열을. Kr › news › articleview유재석, 디시트렌드 투표 1위&mldr. Com › kjd110802 › 223881426916유재석 민주당 지지자이라고. 아직도 더불어민주당 지지자라고 주장하는 분들께, 그 문제의 투표 인증 사진을 공개합니다. 김연아는 박근혜 탄핵때 발언 때문에아이유는 윤석열 탄핵때 밥사준거 때문에근데 유재석은 뭐임.

인크레더블 1 다시보기 주요 정치권 인사를 보면 문재인 전 대통령, 이재명 더불어민주당 대표를 비롯해 야권 정치인 여럿의 이름이 실렸다. 그리고 나는 좌파라는 말도 좀 이상하다봄김구같은 사람들은 모두 우파인데 왜 민주당 지지자를 좌파라 보는거지. 유재석 갈비 메뚜기 6월 민주당 승리시 기타 국내 드라마. 최근 로스앤젤레스la에서 벌어진 정부의 강도 높은 이민자 단속에 반발 기류가 커지는 가운데, 집회 참가자들은 no kings왕은 없다. 3년 전부터 국정원이 내사 를 해왔다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.