Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

21 수 년간의 경험이 누적되고 커리어 중후반기로 접어드는 킹존 drx 한화생명 디플러스 기아 시절부터는 성숙해진 멘탈로 팀원들을 잘 다독이고 오더를 정리하고 주도적으로 밴픽을 짜는 등 주장으로서 리더십을 보여주었다. Com › mgallery › board디알엑스 drx 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. Drx 2기를 요약하면, 택틱과 전술도 이전과 같이 뛰어나지만, 교전이 매우 강력해진 drx라고 요약할 수 있다. Days ago 2022 drx의 특징은 에임과 교전은 다른 세계 정상급팀들에게는 밀리지만, 엄청난 택틱과 전술&전략을 통해 상대를 영리하게 잡아내는 플레이를 주로 보여주었다.

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디알엑스drx 마이너 갤러리 클라우드 커리어. 매니저 네브 silenttnev 부매니저 ㅇㅇ dice3 ㅇㅇ kkkk1555 히릿 babadada ㅇㅇ serve949 대기 writer71 drx opopop10. 우선 최근 경기 결과에 대해 진심으로 사과드립니다. 솔직히 목3도 아는거임 디알엑스drx 마이너 갤러리.

07 192950 조회 29853 추천 331 댓글 171 탑 도란 lck 4회 우승 22서머, 23스프링, 23서머, 24서머. Drx는 과거에 잘했던 팀이고 젠지는 떠오르는 팀이고, 휴지 안 치우고 방치하다가 버섯을 생성시킨 연금술사 디시인 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 진짜 기상천외한 빌런 모음집 레전드 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ. 디알엑스drx 마이너 갤러리 클라우드 커리어, 08 1342 그럭저럭 했어서 짤리는게 의아하긴했는데 다시오는구나 잘해보자 drx화신 2024, 리그 오브 레전드 프로게임단 drx 의 2022년 행적을 정리한 문서.

포키쨩 빨간약

안성재 커리어에 한식 레스토랑도 없고. 8 이후 2팀까지 창단하였지만 모두 좋은 성적을 거두지 못하며 하위권에. 08 1342 그럭저럭 했어서 짤리는게 의아하긴했는데 다시오는구나 잘해보자 drx화신 2024. 08 1342 그래 차라리 리어가 맞다. 21 수 년간의 경험이 누적되고 커리어 중후반기로 접어드는 킹존 drx 한화생명 디플러스 기아 시절부터는 성숙해진 멘탈로 팀원들을 잘 다독이고 오더를 정리하고 주도적으로 밴픽을 짜는 등 주장으로서 리더십을 보여주었다.

13 1703 커리어는 cl 복귀가 맞다고 봄 만약 drx에 베릴 온다면 플레타는 서브로 쓰는거고 1 inelilpa 2024, 2012년 5월 7일 incredible miracle이라는 이름으로 창단해 2012 서머부터 참가하였다. 젠지가 이미 drx 커리어 딴거 아님, 우선 최근 경기 결과에 대해 진심으로 사과드립니다, 2012년 5월 7일에 공식 창단되었다. 또한 2024년 기준 t1에서만 4년째라 drx의 색채가 거의 다 지워지기도 했고, 그의 커리어 대부분이 t1에서 만들어진 것이기 때문에 팬덤에서도 명예 성골로.

팬트리 수위 오늘 이기면 마코 방송을 2달만에 볼수있다. 휴지 안 치우고 방치하다가 버섯을 생성시킨 연금술사 디시인 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 진짜 기상천외한 빌런 모음집 레전드 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ. 롤파크에서 선수들을 확실히 직접보느냐, drx 다이브에 당첨됐으니 참석해서 승패 상관없이 응원만 하다 오느냐에 갈림길에서 엄청나게 고민을 하다가. 주한의 경우 2022년 drx의 일원으로써 이루었던 월즈 진출의 성과는 명백히 주한 개인이 달성한 커리어이며, 미스터 옥토버적인 캐릭터로써 drx에서 활약한 선수라는 점도. Drx 2기를 요약하면, 택틱과 전술도 이전과 같이 뛰어나지만, 교전이 매우 강력해진 drx라고 요약할 수 있다. 평해뽀뽀

포터남 대딸 Drx 다이브가 더 운이 좋은거고 직관은 상대적으로 티켓팅만 잘하면 갈 수 있다고 생각해서 다이브로 선택. 젠지가 이미 drx 커리어 딴거 아님. Drx 2기를 요약하면, 택틱과 전술도 이전과 같이 뛰어나지만, 교전이 매우 강력해진 drx라고 요약할 수 있다. 또한 2024년 기준 t1에서만 4년째라 drx의 색채가 거의 다 지워지기도 했고, 그의 커리어 대부분이 t1에서 만들어진 것이기 때문에 팬덤에서도 명예 성골로. 초창기인 lgim 시절에는 큰 두각을 드러내지 못했으나, 2017년 서머부터 상승 곡선을 그려내며 2018년 스프링까지 정규시즌과 read more. 펨돔 마스터혜리

폴란드 빅토리아 파혼 Drx 팀의 정보와 활동을 소개합니다. Drx 팀의 정보와 활동을 소개합니다. Jpg drx 의 2군 선수로 구성된 리그. Com › mgallery › board디알엑스drx 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. ㅅㅍ 안성재가 흑백2에서 너무 맛있어서 더 먹고 싶었다는. 포켓몬 여캐 짤

펨섭 체벌 Com › board › view20 drx 멤버들의 놀라운 현재 커리어 리그 오브 레전드 갤러리. 우선 최근 경기 결과에 대해 진심으로 사과드립니다. Com › mgallery › board디알엑스drx 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. 또한 2024년 기준 t1에서만 4년째라 drx의 색채가 거의 다 지워지기도 했고, 그의 커리어 대부분이 t1에서 만들어진 것이기 때문에 팬덤에서도 명예 성골로. 우선 최근 경기 결과에 대해 진심으로 사과드립니다.

풀팩 뜻 리그 오브 레전드 프로게임단 drx 의 2022년 행적을 정리한 문서. 08 1342 그럭저럭 했어서 짤리는게 의아하긴했는데 다시오는구나 잘해보자 drx화신 2024. Days ago 2024년의 과도기를 지나서, 플래시백베인마코현민프링 이른바 drx 2기 체제가 정립된 시즌이자, drx라는 팀이 완벽하게 체질 개선이 된 시즌이다. 20 drx 멤버들의 놀라운 현재 커리어 레츠고 2024. 커리어는 이제 아프리카에서 방송하네 디알엑스drx.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.