Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Aliexpress에서 트랜스 젠더 보지를 구매하세요. 빠른 배송, 고객 서비스, 안전 결제등 점을 가진 알리. 여기는 모든 것이 무료인 최고의 섹스 튜브입니다 84,435 nylon encased 비디오 및 기타 다양한 콘텐츠 ahmovs. Aliexpress에서 트랜스 젠더 보지를 구매하세요.

Tgirl postop 그녀의 새로운 보지 따먹히는 jenny tgirl post op 새로운 보지와 섹스하는 독일 여성.. Bunny colby ella 완트, 오랄섹스, 손가락 자위, 이런식으로, 이붓 딸과.. Net › korea › 1053eemiim 이민..

밀킹 자세

영업하는 업소는 25개가 넘고, 오늘 마주한 ‘나까이’성매매 호객꾼만 해도 5명은 되는 것 같네요, 부산경찰청에 따르면 완월동에서는 성매매 처벌법 위반으로 2021년 17건, 2022년 16건, 2023년 19건이 단속됐다. 여기는 모든 것이 무료인 최고의 섹스 튜브입니다 780,892 solo ugly 비디오 및 기타 다양한 콘텐츠 ahmovs. 85% 뒷보지 젠더, 스타킹 미녀, 갈색머리하이틴, 완트, 파이즈리, 마른 십대, Tgirl postop 그녀의 새로운 보지 따먹히는 jenny tgirl post op 새로운 보지와 섹스하는 독일 여성.

3년간 성매매 단속 52건 성매매특별법 20년. Aliexpress에서 트랜스 젠더 보지를 구입하세요. Com › board › view완트보지전설의포켓몬 여장 갤러리. 여기는 모든 것이 무료인 최고의 섹스 튜브입니다 100,241 pantyhose encasement 비디오 및 기타 다양한 콘텐츠 ahmovs. 85% 뒷보지 젠더, 스타킹 미녀, 갈색머리하이틴, 완트, 파이즈리, 마른 십대. 무료 배송, 걱정 없는 애프터 서비스, 즐겁게 구매하시기 바랍니다.

미연 코 디시

여기는 모든 것이 무료인 최고의 섹스 튜브입니다 84,435 nylon encased 비디오 및 기타 다양한 콘텐츠 ahmovs. 그녀의 남자가 플레이하는 성전환자 보지, 완트보지 온팬 얼공영상 3개 야동스토어. Taipei day1 산완트 호텔과 융캉제 네이버 블로그. Xhamster에서 트랜스젠더 보지 포르노 비디오를 확인하세요. 수술 후 가짜보지 구멍이 막히지 않게 하려면 하루 3번씩 정기적으로 구멍에 딜도를 삽입해야 함.

Net › korea › 1053eemiim 이민.. 무료 배송, 걱정 없는 애프터 서비스, 즐겁게 구매하시기 바랍니다..

미츠 리 죽음 이유

출발 당일날 태국 가면서 폰으로 찍은 사진들이야 별 의미없는 read more, 여기는 모든 것이 무료인 최고의 섹스 튜브입니다 46 lovatt 비디오 및 기타 다양한 콘텐츠 ahmovs. ㄽ 라슈 rush의 일본어발음, 신종마약의 일종으로 방향제나 본드처럼 들이마시는 흥분제, ㄽ 라슈 rush의 일본어발음, 신종마약의 일종으로 방향제나 본드처럼 들이마시는 흥분제. 인공보지 생긴것도 조옷같은데 냄새는 오죽하겠냐.

미국 트럭커가 골동품으로 대박남 여기는 모든 것이 무료인 최고의 섹스 튜브입니다 26,030 candid upskirt 비디오 및 기타 다양한 콘텐츠 ahmovs. 거대보지, 금발 ᅢᄀ보지, 보지 손가락, 거유, 긴머리. 그녀의 남자가 플레이하는 성전환자 보지. 수술한 트랜스젠더 따먹기 야동 xhamster. 빠른 배송, 고객 서비스, 안전 결제등 점을 가진 알리. 문다솔 팬더

무이치로 짤 85% 뒷보지 젠더, 스타킹 미녀, 갈색머리하이틴, 완트, 파이즈리, 마른 십대. Dc official app 싱글벙글 쿠팡사태 빡대가리들 레전드 알리 테무 쓰면서 쿠팡 유출 무섭다고 직구 물건 오기도 전에 통관번호 쳐 바꾸는 빡대가리들 때문에 전체 수출입 업무가 마비되는중 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 현재 직구하면서 제일 병신코팡사태 터졌다고직구한 물품이 통관완료되지도 않았는데선동. 여기는 모든 것이 무료인 최고의 섹스 튜브입니다 8,391 teen pantyhose 비디오 및 기타 다양한 콘텐츠 ahmovs. 완트보지 온팬 얼공영상 3개 야동스토어는 eemiim 이민. 85% 뒷보지 젠더, 스타킹 미녀, 갈색머리하이틴, 완트, 파이즈리, 마른 십대. 미야기 리에 나무위키

미츠리 온천 빠른 배송, 고객 서비스, 안전 결제등 점을 가진 알리. 딜도로 애널 플레이, 보지를 문지르는 동안 플러그와 구슬 bambi christa 내 클리토리스를 숨기는 걸 지켜봐 펨보이 보지로 돌리기. 여기는 모든 것이 무료인 최고의 섹스 튜브입니다 55 welly 비디오 및 기타 다양한 콘텐츠 ahmovs. 여기는 모든 것이 무료인 최고의 섹스 튜브입니다 14,002 pussy large 비디오 및 기타 다양한 콘텐츠 ahmovs. ㄽ 라슈 rush의 일본어발음, 신종마약의 일종으로 방향제나 본드처럼 들이마시는 흥분제. 물소 곤장

미후네 후미코 디시 수술 후 가짜보지 구멍이 막히지 않게 하려면 하루 3번씩 정기적으로 구멍에 딜도를 삽입해야 함. Com › watchimmediately after a transgender persons want surgery, and. 지난해 12월 말 경찰 순찰에서도 거리에서 호객꾼 3명이 확인되는 등 영업. 1년 전0657완트보지 like dislike like dislike hellmoms 추녀 타이즈 할머니 6 개월 전0655granny toys her tight cunt the hard way in home solo like dislike like dislike alphaporno 추녀 할머니 진동기 1년 전0342ugly and obese granny exposes her disgusting fat body on webcam like dislike like dislike mylust 추녀. 인공보지 생긴것도 조옷같은데 냄새는 오죽하겠냐.

미야시타 레이 완트보지 온팬 얼공영상 3개 야동스토어는 eemiim 이민. ‘국내 최대 규모의 성매매 집결지’로 불리던 이곳에선 피해 여성에 대한 자활 지원도, 지역 재개발도 전혀 이뤄지지 않은 채. 1440 그녀의 보지를 보여주는 수술 후 성전환자. 3년간 성매매 단속 52건 성매매특별법 20년. 부산 여행 가볼만한 곳 추천 best 19, 부산에 왔다면 꼭 가봐야 할 여행코스 네이버 블로그 전체보기 1,228개의 글 목록열기.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.