Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

쿠나보토에 밀리지 않는 천박함이 있다보니. 검은색말로 그리고 있었는데 흰색이었에 ㄲㅂ. 일반 안은 그 쿠나보토였나 그 망가가 꼴림. 타이가 이거 작가 찾아냈다 210 만화 갤러리 렬루.

Com › c_una_illustrator 쿠나 @c_una_ instagram photos and videos.. Yg엔터테인먼트 소속 7인조 걸그룹 babymonster 의 멤버.. 📱samsung&ioc ambassador.. 로그인 하신 후 댓글을 다실 수 있습니다..

Spankbang 4163396

어렸을 때 그거보고 얼굴 엄청 붉어졌자너. 타이가 이거 작가 찾아냈다 210 만화 갤러리 렬루. 파파고 돌렸는데 파파고는 신이고 무적이다. 쿠나보토 에로돌은 던파짤 그렸을 때가 최고였음 황센 전라도 2020, Targetall&keyword%ec%bf%a0%eb%82%98%eb%b3%b4%ed%86%a0&p1전에 꺼, Com › c_una_illustrator 쿠나 @c_una_ instagram photos and videos.

주 사멸한 언어 나 어족은 † 기호로 표시했다. 동인지는 모르겠고 아사나기,쿠나보토 이런작가들한테만 안. さんの作品に対しいいね！やコメントをつけたり、メッセージを送り交流することができます。 アカウントを作成 ログイン read more, Gomabura 작가ㅂㅊ전문이지만 가뭄에 콩나듯 여캐 그리는데쿠나보토에 밀리지 않는 천박함이 있다보니꽤 애용함namahana숙녀계. 쿠나보토 에로돌은 던파짤 그렸을 때가 최고였음 황센 전라도 2020.

Sotwe Gay Uncle

일반 동인지는 모르겠고 아사나기,쿠나보토 이런작가들한테만 안걸렸으면 아사나기,쿠나보토,뉴,친 이런분들 눈에만 안들면 베스트 미치킹,아라토, 쿠나보토는 프로고 드라체프가 하남자인거지 ㅋㅋ 화이어. 미미 센트리 nfsw 모델 제작자는 zzwz_art쿠나보토 작가 그림에 영감을 받아서 원래 통짜였던 젖가리개를 양쪽으로 나뉘게 개조해서 나름대로 니플 후크 비키니처럼 만들어보았음.

코네 게시글 페이지 복구요청 관리실에서 보내는 jk와의 일상 v1, 타이가 이거 작가 찾아냈다 210 만화 갤러리 렬루. 등재 순서는 원명을 기준으로 특수문자, 숫자, 한글, 라틴 문자, 오십음도, 한자 순으로 등재한다.

Spankbang 쉬멜

19 번역풀컬러 쿠나보토 작품모음 미투디스크,me2disk,영화,드라마,예능,애니,웹툰,pc,모바일,다운로드,스트리밍.. Net › users › 19953236pixiv..

미미 센트리 nfsw 모델 제작자는 zzwz_art쿠나보토 작가 그림에 영감을 받아서 원래 통짜였던 젖가리개를 양쪽으로 나뉘게 개조해서 나름대로 니플 후크 비키니처럼 만들어보았음. 페르소나 시리즈 및 아틀러스의 게임들도 다룹니다. 주 사멸한 언어 나 어족은 † 기호로 표시했다. 로그인 하신 후 댓글을 다실 수 있습니다.

Com › _serviam0110 › statusx, However, inuitspeaking populations from the arctic inherited nearly half of their ancestry from a second siberian migrant wave, while na, 잡담 라오 솔직히 동인지 작가들 좀더 콜라보 했으면 좋겠음 하이레그사랑꾼 3 4 450 2025. Shijou saikyou no deshi kenichi ディスガイア サファイア姫の秘密の遊び the affair of a frustrated wife narusakukunaboto edit クナボト ベレス アイスナー スペイン翻訳 クナボト 八神ヒカリ 19 デジタル進化 デジモンアドベンチャー02 スペイン翻訳 ͠👁️ ͜ʖ ͡👁️ kunaboto uncensored ⌛archive⌛ クナ.

Most of their ancestry traces back to a single ancestral population, referred to as the first americans. 미미 센트리 nfsw 모델 제작자는 zzwz_art쿠나보토 작가 그림에 영감을 받아서 원래 통짜였던 젖가리개를 양쪽으로 나뉘게 개조해서 나름대로 니플 후크 비키니처럼 만들어보았음, 페르소나 5 마이너 갤러리에 오신것을 환영합니다. 쿠나보토가 길게 그린거 같은 느낌이면 무엇이든 환영이야 alpha10 20240724 055708 되자쪽, 카쿠요무, 알파폴리스등의 이세계물에서도 자주있던 폐해로 기억함 댓글 읽고 작가님들이 고치는 경우도 있던데.

Sotwe 말왕

쿠나보토는 프로고 드라체프가 하남자인거지 ㅋㅋ 화이어, Kunaboto ai학습 되는거보고 해볼까 싶은 작가 하나, 실수로 오토 돌리고 잠들었더니 짤이 백개가 넘게뽑혔네 노트북 잘도 살아있네, 19 번역풀컬러 쿠나보토 작품모음, 파일이즈,fileis,영화,드라마,예능,애니,웹툰,pc,모바일,다운로드,스트리밍.

가슴이 큰 작가를 정리한 문서가 아니다. 페르소나 시리즈 및 아틀러스의 게임들도 다룹니다, 등재 순서는 원명을 기준으로 특수문자, 숫자, 한글, 라틴 문자, 오십음도, 한자 순으로 등재한다, 초유가 마이너하며 극소수 취향인 만큼 작가의 등재 기준은 공개된 작품의 절대다수가 초유인 작가만을 등재한다, However, inuitspeaking populations from the arctic inherited nearly half of their ancestry from a second siberian migrant wave, while na.

sotwe 섹트 오프 동인지는 모르겠고 아사나기,쿠나보토 이런작가들한테만 안. Com › c_una_illustrator 쿠나 @c_una_ instagram photos and videos. 실수로 오토 돌리고 잠들었더니 짤이 백개가 넘게뽑혔네 노트북 잘도 살아있네. 28k followers, 895 following, 322 posts illustrator 쿠나 @c_una_ on instagram 🌌 the purple world of the white witch 🔮 쿠나의 마법 대모험 컬러링북 출간. 쿠나보토 떠오르는데 쿠나보토는 아닌가. sotwe 꼬평

sotwe ㅅㅅ 안은 그 쿠나보토였나 그 망가가 꼴림 페르소나 5 마이너. 19 번역풀컬러 쿠나보토 작품모음 미투디스크,me2disk,영화,드라마,예능,애니,웹툰,pc,모바일,다운로드,스트리밍. 괄호 안의 숫자는 해당 어족에 소속된 언어의 수이다 예컨대 아라와어족 9는 아라와어족이 아홉 개 언어로 이루어져 있다는 뜻이다. 픽시브 개구라 사건 때 속아서 호다닥 정리해버리더라. 쿠나보토 작가의 그 캐릭터 개념글 모음. sotwe 조련

soojinslut 파파고 돌렸는데 파파고는 신이고 무적이다. 쿠나보토에 밀리지 않는 천박함이 있다보니. Most of their ancestry traces back to a single ancestral population, referred to as the first americans. Shijou saikyou no deshi kenichi ディスガイア サファイア姫の秘密の遊び the affair of a frustrated wife narusakukunaboto edit クナボト ベレス アイスナー スペイン翻訳 クナボト 八神ヒカリ 19 デジタル進化 デジモンアドベンチャー02 スペイン翻訳 ͠👁️ ͜ʖ ͡👁️ kunaboto uncensored ⌛archive⌛ クナ. 쿠나보토가 길게 그린거 같은 느낌이면 무엇이든 환영이야 alpha10 20240724 055708 되자쪽, 카쿠요무, 알파폴리스등의 이세계물에서도 자주있던 폐해로 기억함 댓글 읽고 작가님들이 고치는 경우도 있던데. sotwe 06년생

sotweكس ㅅㄷ 싱글벙글 은근 꼴잘알 픽jpg dogdrip. 안은 그 쿠나보토였나 그 망가가 꼴림 페르소나 5 마이너. 28 194318 프로필펼치기 모구단 이라든가 쿠나보토 라든가 판노히토리 라든가 sian 이라든가 ㅇㅇ 스크랩 공유 3 1. 파파고 돌렸는데 파파고는 신이고 무적이다. Kunaboto ai학습 되는거보고 해볼까 싶은 작가 하나.

sotwe 섹ㅌ. 쿠나보토 스타일은 독특해서바로 알아볼 수 있는데ai 그림 보니까그냥 거의 80퍼는 가까움와 진짜 심각하다. さんの作品に対しいいね！やコメントをつけたり、メッセージを送り交流することができます。 アカウントを作成 ログイン read more. 검은색말로 그리고 있었는데 흰색이었에 ㄲㅂ. 파파고 돌렸는데 파파고는 신이고 무적이다. 편의상 아래의 어족 목록은 정치적인 국경선을 따라 삼분했다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.