Kr › board › webzine웹진 인벤 일반인들에겐 3대 300대도 빡쎈 이유.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

자세 잘 안잡히고 허리에 무게실리더라. 옛날에 친구 다니다가 3대 300까진 찍었는데 취업 준비하다. 와 390 작살나네 어지간히 운동한 남자들도 레그프레스 300넘는거 힘든거 아니야. Net › 276181157솔직히 3대 300도 일반인 기준에선 1년 이상은 해야함 dogdrip.

내가 20살때부터 헬스 시작해서 3대330을찍고 군대를갔거든 그때까지만해도 허세란 허세는 다들어있었어 스쿼트 데드100을 넘게들고 벤치50으로 1520번반복가능했었으니까 나정도면 존나쌘거겠지라고 생각했었거든 근데 입대후 애들이랑 팔씨름해본결과 씨발.. 그런데도 여자들은 3대 300을 넘기가 극히 힘들다..

존나 드물다 타고난 장사가 아닌이상 되는애들은 운동했어야지ㅇㅇ 진짜 평범 피지컬로 꾸준히 최소 3년 이상은 해야 3대 300이상이다.

처음 헬스장에 가서 3대운동 측정하고 싶은데, 할 줄은 모르니 안 보는 척하다가 사람들이 3대 운동하면 바로 어깨너머로 초 집중하며 관찰하며 배우고, 집에 오면 단백질을 섭취하며 3대 운동하는 유튜브 영상과 헬창tv와 계란형, 흑자헬스 유튭 영상들, 심지어.

주3회는 무분할 웨이트하고 나머지는 쉬거나 유산소에 집중 할까.. 싶다 역시 대충분산을 해보자면 3대300에서의 한번들수있는 무게는 벤치프레스70kg 스쿼트105kg 데드리프트125kg 정도 되지않을까싶다..

저쪽 애들은 1000파운드 그룹이라 오히려 기준이 널널한 것 같은데 헬스 인구도 적은 우리가 기준이 너무 높음, 회복 빨리되니까매일 삼두 이두 번갈아가면서 하는게 낫지않음. 헬스다이어트 3대 300은 객관적으로 어느정도 위치일까.

벤치70 데드 130 스쿼트 100일수도있고.

3대300은 1년안에 일반인도 쉽게 갈수있는 중량이에요. 3대 300즉벤치프레스 70kg 스쿼트100kg 데드리프트130kg 정도를 한번들수있는 병신을 일컫는다근비대범위라고 불리는 812회 반복범위로 계산을하자면실제 훈련시 중량을벤치프레스 대략 50kg스쿼트 대략 75kg. 벤치 80이면 스퀏 100, 데드 120 해서 3대 300 정도 되니까 아니다 그때는 심지어 3대 운동이라는 개념조차 사람들 인식에 박혀 있지 않아서 사람들이 상체 운동, 벤치프레스만 주구장창 하던 시절이라 벤치 80 들어도 3대 300이 안된 사람들도 많음. 현실에서 남자기준 3대 300 흔할까 몸무게 72키로 정도 기준으로.

리버렐리오 히토미 헬갤에 그만큼 장식용 꼬추를 가지고있는 놈들이 많은건가. 다행이 바통수는 없었다진주에서 존나 조져서 지리산 ‘오도재’ 입갤낭낭바리로 0930도차쿠 883준위, r3. 제가 최고 전성기 3대만 올인할때 벤치 150 스쾃 170 데드 220 상체충이였습니다. 대부분의 여자는 들수없지만 꼬추빨로 1년 이전에 들수 있는 무게이기때문에 3대500이상은 귀찮아서 차트를 생략하고 말하자면 23년이면 유전자 관계없이 누구든지 도달할수 있는 무게지만 그래도 강자의 영역 고급자이상의 영역에 들어가게 된다. 자세 잘 안잡히고 허리에 무게실리더라. 릴리 능욕

루루 카 사건 디시 Com › mgallery › board벤치 80, 3대 300만 넘어도 몸짱이라 불리던 시절 파워리프팅 마이. 자세 잘 안잡히고 허리에 무게실리더라. 팔운동 중요성 디시 강원대 의대 디시. 250300kg 그저 헬린이에 불과하지만, 전보다 자신이 강해지고 있다는게 느껴지는 시기. 저쪽 애들은 1000파운드 그룹이라 오히려 기준이 널널한 것 같은데 헬스 인구도 적은 우리가 기준이 너무 높음. 린지 리 디시

류시호 나이 여자들은 상체 힘이 상당히 부족하여 데드리프트 120kg을. 현실에서 남자기준 3대 300 흔할까 몸무게 72키로 정도 기준으로. 저쪽 애들은 1000파운드 그룹이라 오히려 기준이 널널한 것 같은데 헬스 인구도 적은 우리가 기준이 너무 높음. 회복 빨리되니까매일 삼두 이두 번갈아가면서 하는게 낫지않음. 3대 300즉벤치프레스 70kg 스쿼트100kg 데드리프트130kg 정도를 한번들수있는 병신을 일컫는다근비대범위라고 불리는 812회 반복범위로 계산을하자면실제 훈련시 중량을벤치프레스 대략 50kg스쿼트 대략 75kg. 리사 근황 디시

로즈나 배우 다행이 바통수는 없었다진주에서 존나 조져서 지리산 ‘오도재’ 입갤낭낭바리로 0930도차쿠 883준위, r3. 현직 중령과 함께하는 바리 후기 feat. 벤치70 데드 130 스쿼트 100일수도있고. Net › 276181157솔직히 3대 300도 일반인 기준에선 1년 이상은 해야함 dogdrip. Com › mgallery › board운동 일년 넘게했는데 3대 300이다 보디빌딩 마이너 갤러리.

루랭이 남친 벤치 80이면 스퀏 100, 데드 120 해서 3대 300 정도 되니까 아니다 그때는 심지어 3대 운동이라는 개념조차 사람들 인식에 박혀 있지 않아서 사람들이 상체 운동, 벤치프레스만 주구장창 하던 시절이라 벤치 80 들어도 3대 300이 안된 사람들도 많음. 아래 나오는 3대 중량은 몸무게나 경력에 상관 없음. 그런데도 여자들은 3대 300을 넘기가 극히 힘들다. 팔 근육은 회복 시간이 필요하기 때문입니다. Com › board › view3대300 질문 헬스 갤러리.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.