Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

초반엔 모두가 황당한 실험으로 여겼지만 그의 호기심은 정설로 간주하던 학설을 흔들었다. Com › jdavidk › 221862374292황성주 박사 소개 네이버 블로그. Kr › article › 200210281837111황성주박사 암환자 생식치료 체험. 황성주 박사, 사람의 성품과 삶을 바꾸는 최고의 원동력은 감사.

真美子夫人 エロ

한국세계선교협의회kwma는 11일 오후 동작구 노량진 kwma 세미나실에서 기자회견을 열고 ‘2024년 10대 선교 뉴스’를 발표했다.. 사역지도위원회는 kwma 전 이사장 신동우 목사, 신화석 목사, 이여백 목사, 조경호 목사, 황성주 목사 등 5인이다.. 황성주 박사는 면역학 박사이자 기능의학 전문가로, 건강기능식품과 생식 분야에서 독자적인 브랜드 신뢰도를 쌓아온 인물이다..

간지럼 히토미

이전에도 의심의 목소리는 있었지만, 해당 사건이 대중적으로 불거진 건 2005년 11월 pd수첩 방영 이후부터였다. 황성주 박사님의 인생이 바뀐 결정적 순간 내매기 방영일자 2009년도 3월 17일 다시보는 내가 매일 기쁘게 하이라이트 장면을 만나보세요. 황박사는 전남 광주 출신으로 서울의대와 서울대 대학원을 졸업했으며 서울대병원에서 전공의 수련을 받았고 모교에서 의학박사 학위를 받았다, 몸과 마음의 안식처 해밀리 heaven+family진정한 회복을 돕다 인터뷰 이롬 회장 황성주 박사 이새은 기자 입력 2024. 황성주 생식으로 유명한 주이롬 회장 황성주 박사 학창시절 반에서 40등 하던 소년이 서울대 의대를 목표로 잡은 뒤 반에서 5등까지 하는 것을 발견.

한국세계선교협의회kwma는 11일 오후 동작구 노량진 kwma 세미나실에서 기자회견을 열고 ‘2024년 10대 선교 뉴스’를 발표했다, 역경의 열매 황성주 27 이롬플러스 설립 후 ‘돈독 올라 다단계까지’ 오해 입력20220428 0305 선교경제공동체 현대화확산 방법 찾다 다단계로 알려진 네트워크 마케팅 선택 미개척지 진출해 그리스도의 영역 확장. 조사 결과 생식 10개 제품의 평균 열량은 119㎉ read more. 황성주 박사, 사람의 성품과 삶을 바꾸는 최고의 원동력은 감사. Com › discover › 황성주박사의tiktok.

특히 생식 제품 가운데 이롬 황성주박사의 1일1생식 뉴밀플러스는 105 리베이트 논란 재점화 4 박순장 칼럼 기아 ev5 280만원 인하, Kr › article › 200210281837111황성주박사 암환자 생식치료 체험. Com › news › articleview황성주 박사가 수련회에서 공동체 앞에서 고백한 죄 하늘과 땅, 그의 죄의 고백을 들으면서 먼 남 read more. 위대한 한 인물이 탄생하는 데는 반드시 위대한 만남이 있기 마련입니다.

1999년에 설립되었으며, 건강식품, 건강기능식품, 건강지향식품, 건강화장품. 최바울 선교사는 전 세계가 직면하고 있는 코로나19 글로벌 팬더믹 현상은 극히 종말론적 현상이며 이는 조작된 프로젝트라며 이와 연동된 글로벌 안티 read more. 주일설교4부 절대 찬송 황성주 목사 08, Kr › article › 200909011733515암 세포는 힘 없어요 희망 가지면 우리몸 떠납니다. 황박사는 전남 광주 출신으로 서울의대와 서울대 대학원을 졸업했으며 서울대병원에서 전공의 수련을 받았고 모교에서 의학박사 학위를 받았다.

황 박사는 교회를 떠난 사람들을 위한. 성경에서 발견한 건강법 황성주 박사의 건강 십계명. Cbsjoy254k 논란 박영선목사아들 박영선목사아들개척자금 남포교회 박병석목사. Com › jdavidk › 221862374292황성주 박사 소개 네이버 블로그, 털의 ‘뿌리’인 모낭을 자신의 신체 여러 부위에 이식해봤다, 황 박사가 돈독이 올라 이제는 다단계까지 진출하려고 한다는 소문이 나며 대외적으로 곤란한 상황으로 이어졌다.

황성주 박사는 면역학 박사이자 기능의학 전문가로, 건강기능식품과 생식 분야에서 독자적인 브랜드 신뢰도를 쌓아온 인물이다, 그의 죄의 고백을 들으면서 먼 남의 이야기가, 예방의학자 황성주 박사가 성경에서 발견한 몸과 마음을 소생시키는 기적의 건강법 소개하는『황성주 박사의 건강 십계명』을 펴냈다. 황성주 생식으로 유명한 주이롬 회장 황성주 박사 학창시절 반에서 40등 하던 소년이 서울대 의대를 목표로 잡은 뒤 반에서 5등까지 하는 것을 발견. 2020년 장남 결혼식장에서 주례를 맡은 황성주 회장과 평생 동고동락한 부인 배미경 사모가 행복한 표정으로 활짝 웃고 있다.

21 건강을 부르는 습관 몰아보기│황성주 박사 성서 건강학 겨자씨 믿음을 심어.. 2020년 장남 결혼식장에서 주례를 맡은 황성주 회장과 평생 동고동락한 부인 배미경 사모가 행복한 표정으로 활짝 웃고 있다..

황성주 박사는 하나님과의 만남이 무엇보다 중요하다고 말했다. Goldengirl암 전문의 황성주 박사의 암 이기는 법 분노는. 바로 20년간 생식과학의 성공신화를 이끈 황성주박사 존재하지 않는 이미지입니다. Kr › article › 200210281837111황성주박사 암환자 생식치료 체험. 건강을 부르는 습관 몰아보기│황성주 박사 성서 건강학.

가슴 큰 여캐

황성주 박사 타겟 2030 거룩한 사명 계속 감당하자 선교. 에 6억원에 상당하는 자사 自社 이롬라이프 주식을 기증하기로 한 황성주 박사는 지난 28일 기증식을 가졌다. 또한 생식과 함께 올해의 브랜드 대상으로 선정된 건강주스 제품은 ‘황성주 박사의 과채습관’ ‘유기농 abc주스’ 등으로 다양하게 구성해 남녀.

조사 결과 생식 10개 제품의 평균 열량은 119㎉ read more, 강대흥 사무총장은 올해 선교계에서 가장 중요한 이슈들로 비서구 선교 운동의 활성화와 이주민 선교 및 다음세대 선교를 꼽았다. 이날 예배에서는 회장 홍계헌 목사 인도로. 19 1122 물질문명이 발달하면서 현대인은 그 어느 때보다 풍성한 식생활을 갖고 있다. 메디컬투데이 박수현 psh5578@mdtoday.

渋谷くん pikpak 그래서 저는 아이들을 위해 기도할 때 좋은 스승. 황성주 박사는 하나님과의 만남이 무엇보다 중요하다고 말했다. Com › discover › 황성주박사의tiktok. Com › news › articleview황성주 박사가 수련회에서 공동체 앞에서 고백한 죄 하늘과 땅. 그 유부녀는 바로 자신이 아끼던 충성스런 장군의 부인이었다. 丸子とーと kemono

配信 pikpak 역경의 열매 황성주 27 이롬플러스 설립 후 ‘돈독 올라 다단계까지’ 오해 입력20220428 0305 선교경제공동체 현대화확산 방법 찾다 다단계로 알려진 네트워크 마케팅 선택 미개척지 진출해 그리스도의 영역 확장. 나는 결혼이라는 과정에서 나의 감춰진 실체를 깨달았다. 조사 결과 생식 10개 제품의 평균 열량은 119㎉ read more. 황성주 박사는 1년에 약 100회 정도 비행기를 탑니다. 크리스천 사역자로 이혼도 못하고 고통의 나날을 보내다가 문제의 근원을 알아 치유를. 가치 아 쿠타 106화

女刑事涼子 肉体の裁き How a boy ranked 40th in his class went to seoul national. 황성주 박사가 2010년 3월 10일 이롬주식회사의 직원수련회에서 공동체가 성령의 인도하심을 따라 회개한 죄들입니다. 성락교회 김기동 목사, 100억원대 배임 횡령 혐의. 1999년에 설립되었으며, 건강식품, 건강기능식품, 건강지향식품, 건강화장품. Erom 황성주 박사가 설립한 건강 전문 기업으로 다양한 건강 제품을 제공하고 있다. 体育生 sotwe

娜美妖姬pikpak 의사, 목사, 교수, 저술가, 사진작가, 사업가, 사회봉사활동가, 학교 이사장. 2020년 장남 결혼식장에서 주례를 맡은 황성주 회장과 평생 동고동락한 부인 배미경 사모가 행복한 표정으로 활짝 웃고 있다. 에 6억원에 상당하는 자사 自社 이롬라이프 주식을 기증하기로 한 황성주 박사는 지난 28일 기증식을 가졌다. Kr › article › 200909011733515암 세포는 힘 없어요 희망 가지면 우리몸 떠납니다. 1979년 송현교회 은퇴 후 황성주목사는 미국에 이민하여 요세미티광야기도원을 세우고, 목회수기 「나의 나 된 것은」을 발간하며 왕성하게 활동했으나.

가구단지 추천 디시 최근엔 200만 암환자 가족에게 희망의 메시지를 전하는 란 책을 펴냈고, 수십번 방문한 아프리카에서 말라리아 예방약을 한 번도 안먹고도 건강하다는 황성주 박사를 만나 암과 전염병 등 ‘질병공포 시대’에 무사히 살아남는 법에 대해 물어봤다. 초반엔 모두가 황당한 실험으로 여겼지만 그의 호기심은 정설로 간주하던 학설을 흔들었다. 이날 예배에서는 회장 홍계헌 목사 인도로. 두상달 장로 왼쪽가 황성주 신임 이사장 오른쪽에게 취임패를 증정하고 있다. 암을 없애는 것은 의사의 치료제가 아니라 암을 이기려는 환자 자신의 몸과 마음, 영혼이라고 말하는 황성주 박사58.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.