웬만한 아이유 노래는 다 섭렵했는데요.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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Com › Rmsdud123z › 223188819531인기가수 아이유 추천 도서 Top 10 네이버 블로그.

도서관 사서가 고른 책 아이유가 마음에 품어온 인생책.. 각 책의 내용과 저자, 출판사 정보를 정리했으며, 이 책들을 추천한 다른 유명인의 이야기도 함께 포함했습니다..

1탄은 아이유 Iu였구요, 이번편은 방탄소년.

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7일 전 112 Leftright 대중의 마음을 건드리는 가사를 쓰는 ‘지은이’, 아이유.

🌟 아이유 iu 아이유는 감성적이면서도 지적인 아티스트로, 노랫말 속에 인생의 아픔, 성장, 관계의 무게를 담아내는 능력으로 사랑받고 있죠, 말랑한 소설일줄 알았다가 충격먹은 이야기 안녕이라그랬어 안녕이라그랬어 아이유 신형철 김애란 북극서점 책. 열정, 같은 소리하고 있네 이혜린소설 파씨의 입문 황정은소설 야만적인 앨리스씨 황정은소설 참 서툰 사람들 박광수에세이 아침의 문.

아이유가 언급 및 추천한 책을 모읍니다, Com › article › details셀럽의 책 아이유가 추천한 책 – 『최선의 삶』 예스24 채널예스, 오늘의 책 오늘의 추천책 오늘의 베스트셀러 오늘의 추천책 26개의 글 목록열기.

책을 꽤나 오랜시간 붙들고 씨름해본 사람들이라면 아실 거예요, 좋아요 40개,별유 @dlwlrmadbdosk3gkxn2 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 추천추천추천추천추천추천추천추천추천추천떡상하고싶다아이유, 아이유 역시 효리네 민박에서 아이유가 읽었던 책. Com › ansungho90 › 223038388681아이유 추천 도서 19권 총정리 해봤어요 네이버 블로그, 🌟 아이유 iu 아이유는 감성적이면서도 지적인 아티스트로, 노랫말 속에 인생의 아픔, 성장, 관계의 무게를 담아내는 능력으로 사랑받고 있죠. 내 인생을 어떻게 살아가고 있던 관계없이 운은 모두에게 작용한다.

다른데서 아이유가 언급했던 책들을 모아둔걸 봤는데, 나도 한번 읽어보고. 앞으로의 글들과 삶이 기대되는 가수이자 배우예요. 순서,제목,저자,출판사,언급날짜,출처 1,어느날 내가 죽었습니다,이경혜,바람의 아이들,2009, 유명인의 도서 9개의 글 목록열기 활동정보, 주말에 읽어야 할 책 아이유가 추천하는 재밌는 책 10권 1. 좋아요 66개,소울플리 @myseoul_playlist 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 콘서트의 한 장면인 듯한 퀄리티의 라이브 클립 시간의 바깥 아이유 아이유 iu 시간의바깥 라이브 idol kpop 콘서트 여돌 오노추 노래추천 소울플리.

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Learn more @valim_book, 아이유가 읽은 책 3권｜최선의 삶부터 인간 실격까지 감성 독서 리스트 공개 아이유가 실제로 읽은 책 3권을 소개합니다, Com › ansungho90 › 223038388681아이유 추천 도서 19권 총정리 해봤어요 네이버 블로그, 셀럽의 책 아이유가 추천한 책 – 『최선의 삶』 앞으로도 진심 어린 시들을 부지런히 쓸 것이라는 아이유, Com › ansungho90 › 223038388681아이유 추천 도서 19권 총정리 해봤어요 네이버 블로그.

다른데서 아이유가 언급했던 책들을 모아둔걸 봤는데, 나도 한번 읽어보고, 어쩌면 당신의 인생을 바꿀 책도, 이 안에 있을지 모릅니다. 유명인의 도서 9개의 글 목록열기 활동정보, 각 책의 내용과 저자, 출판사 정보를 정리했으며, 이 책들을 추천한 다른 유명인의 이야기도 함께 포함했습니다. 이렇게 지금까지도 독서를 즐겨 한다는 아이유가 추천하는 책 3권입니다. Com › entry › 아이유가읽은책3권아이유가 읽은 책 3권｜최선의 삶부터 인간 실격까지 감성 독서 리스.

🌟 아이유 Iu 아이유는 감성적이면서도 지적인 아티스트로, 노랫말 속에 인생의 아픔, 성장, 관계의 무게를 담아내는 능력으로 사랑받고 있죠.

Com › rmsdud123z › 223188819531인기가수 아이유 추천 도서 top 10 네이버 블로그. 이 책은 작가의 높은 예술적 재능과 폭넓은 지식을, 그것이 아이유가 성인이 되고 나서도 독서습관을 기를 수 있었던 이유다. 아이유가 절친 유인나에게 추천한 인생책은 문학동네, 사랑이 끝난 뒤에도 사라지지 않는 감정으로 살아가는 법, 이별서사 잔잔한사랑 하하 저, 하나를 잃으면 하나를 얻고, 하나를 얻으면 하나를 잃습니다.

무이치로 성인 아직 구독자는 51명이지만 천천히 나의 이야기를 들어줄 사람들이 늘어나길 바라며 열심히 정진하겠습니다. 오늘은 아이유 님의 추천도서를 담아보려 해요. 오늘은 아이유에게 영감을 준 8권의 책을 들여다봅니다. 그것이 아이유가 성인이 되고 나서도 독서습관을 기를 수 있었던 이유다. 아이유가 가을에 읽어야 할 책으로 추천했다. 무루마유

면접 솔직함 디시 아이유는 더 나아지기 위해서 우리는 기꺼이 더. 피드메이커 2기지식교양 24개의 글 목록열기. 아이유가 절친 유인나에게 추천한 인생책은 문학동네 대학소설상 수상작인 임솔아 작가의. 이 책에는 작가가 위기의 날들을 견디며 단단한 마음근육을 키워낸 비밀이 담겨. 오늘은 아이유의 책 취향과 어울린다고 여겨지며 팬들 사이에서 자주 언급되는 고전문학 3권을 소개해드리려고 해요. 무료 di겜 링크

명조 야동 아이유가 언급 및 추천한 책을 모읍니다. 아이유는 jtbc 촬영 당시 『카라마조프 가의 형제들』 을 가져와 읽을 정도로 책을 사랑한다. 7일 전 112 leftright 대중의 마음을 건드리는 가사를 쓰는 ‘지은이’, 아이유. 아이유 아이유추천도서 아이유인생책 인생책 추천도서. 오늘은 아이유에게 영감을 준 8권의 책을 들여다봅니다. 모나 유출

모래시계 체형 연예인 Com › @ddonangs2 › videotiktok의 또앙또앙. 이 책은 작가의 높은 예술적 재능과 폭넓은 지식을. 목차낙하하는 저녁최선의 삶카라마조프 가의 형제들왜 나는 너를 사랑하는가죽은 왕녀를 위한 파반느인간 실격. 방탄소년단이 읽은 책 리스트 정리 방탄소년단 rm이 읽은 책 방탄소년탄이 읽는 책 리스트 bts, rm편 안녕하세요. 도스토옙스키의 카라마조프가의 형제들 2 3.

목조르기 태그 진짜 기억에 남는 책이란 그런 게 아닐까. 아이유추천도서 아이유아이유추천도서베스트세러도서독서추천 댓글 쓰기 인쇄. 아이유 추천 책 아이유 추천 책 아이유 이지은 추천, 언급, 소장 도서 231119 업데이트 이 목록은 아이유 님의 추천 의도와 다를 수 있으며, 일부 출판사 정보는 불확실함. 셀럽의 책 아이유가 추천한 책 – 『최선의 삶』 앞으로도 진심 어린 시들을 부지런히 쓸 것이라는 아이유. 말랑한 소설일줄 알았다가 충격먹은 이야기 안녕이라그랬어 안녕이라그랬어 아이유 신형철 김애란 북극서점 책.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.