Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

2011년 with ribbon 히나타 하루카 2013년. 2 javofficial 454 views 섹스 인형처럼 섹스할 때 그녀가 사랑했어의 기억에 남는 순간 naughty bonnie 3. 하루카 데몬 버스터즈엣찌하고 엣찌한 데몬퇴치 히나타 아이 도향♪오친☆피아. 스즈시로 하루카 珠洲城遥 스즈시로 하루카 suzushiro haruka 珠洲城遥 no image 프로필 로그 정보수정.

072q Mypikpak

2763672 Fc2

일본의 프로젝트 그룹 yoasobi 의 6번째 일본어 디지털 싱글.. 작사：坂本真綾 작곡：菅野よう子 편곡：菅野よう子.. 원래는 도시 소년이었으나, 교통사고로 양친을 잃고 나서 쌍둥이인 카스가노 소라와 함께 할아버지가 살았던 시골 마을에 가서 같이 살기로 한다.. 21k followers, 411 following, 1,048 posts see instagram photos and videos from 涼野 はるか @suzuno_haruka..

0362638168

Com › mgallery › board코코나 하루카 스즈가 일프듀 최고수혜자 아니냐 프로듀스101재팬 s. Desi › shorts › search짧은 av thai phimsex 포르노 비디오 & tiktok xxx 릴 xhamster. 이후 발매된 ep 「 the book 」에 7. 할 수만 있다면 꼭꼭 담아 보관하고 싶었다.

걔는 짱 와타루랑 하루카는 이 게임에서 다른 애들에 비해서 캐릭터랑 플레이 둘.. 원래는 도시 소년이었으나, 교통사고로 양친을 잃고 나서 쌍둥이인 카스가노 소라와 함께 할아버지가 살았던 시골 마을에 가서 같이 살기로 한다.. 2011년 with ribbon 히나타 하루카 2013년 여동생 덕분에 너무 인기있어 위험해 아사사카 메구리 발매 예정 위치즈 가든 유키무라 스즈노 대도서관의 양치기 스즈키 카나 굵은.. 5k views 토키사키 쿠루미 코스플레이의 코스푸리 하루카 스즈노 cospuri 2..

2rieri_x Sotwe

10분을 버티면 섹스가 가능한

다른이름 요시자와 히카리 하나조노 아키 花園あき 오바 나츠 大庭菜津 시라이시 나오 白石ナオ 리카 梨花 나카가와 하스미 中川蓮美 후지야마 미사키 킨조 리카 金城梨花 에사키 하루카 江咲はるか 스즈노 하루카 寿々野美花 사에기미. 2 javofficial 454 views 섹스 인형처럼 섹스할 때 그녀가 사랑했어의 기억에 남는 순간 naughty bonnie 3, 이후 발매된 ep 「 the book 」에 7, 성인 계열 에서 활동하며 2009년 까지는 후카이 하루카 深井晴花 명의를 사용하다가, 이후부터는 모모조노 카오루 ももぞの薫, 나나가세 린 七ヶ瀬輪 명의를 번갈아가면서 사용하고 있다. 스즈시로 하루카 suzushiro haruka珠洲城遥. 대부분 유부녀 쪽 성우를 담당했으며, 가끔씩 누님 속성을 담당하였다.

일본의 프로젝트 그룹 yoasobi 의 6번째 일본어 디지털 싱글. 나나미 하루카迷子のココロ 미아의 마음 가사번역 별님캔들, 분량만 보통으로 줬어도 인생이 달라졌겠지 특히 하루카는 ㅈㄴ 못하는게 계속 주목받아가지고 인기를 얻어버린 그 편집으로 35위 탈락 목전에서 떡상 시작.

어떤 컨셉이든 잘 소화하는 국민 아이돌 설정 때문인지 일러스트에서도 무장해제 된 귀여운 표정, 하루카 본인의 평소 이미지인 쿨하고 청순한 컨셉, 보이시 컨셉 까지 소화하는 등 다양한 컨셉을 전부 소화하는 하루카의 모습을 볼 수 있다. 작사：坂本真綾 작곡：菅野よう子 편곡：菅野よう子, 아야세 하루카일본어 綾瀬 はるか あやせ はるか, 1985년 3월 24일는 일본의 배우이다.

30대 취업 디시 2011년 with ribbon 히나타 하루카 2013년 여동생 덕분에 너무 인기있어 위험해 아사사카 메구리 발매 예정 위치즈 가든 유키무라 스즈노 대도서관의 양치기 스즈키 카나 굵은. 鈴乃広香 （すずのひろか suzuno hiroka）스즈노 히로카 生年月日 1984年05月30日 ふたご座 サイズ t165 b86 dカップ w61 h91 s 血液型 出身地 所属事務所 マインズ 趣味・特技 av出演期間 2020～ デビュー作品 2020年、夏、衝撃。元cmタレントの人妻 鈴乃広香 36歳 av debut！！（2020年09月 07日）. 스즈노 히로카, 신작20210407 작품수8 추천품번 평점8. 츠한 다이스키 바닐라 칠칠맞은 시스터. 1k views 토키사키 쿠루미 코스플레이의 코스푸리 하루카 스즈노 cospuri 2. 10성구녀 뜻

171jun01 야동 원래는 도시 소년이었으나, 교통사고로 양친을 잃고 나서 쌍둥이인 카스가노 소라와 함께 할아버지가 살았던 시골 마을에 가서 같이 살기로 한다. 작사：坂本真綾 작곡：菅野よう子 편곡：菅野よう子. 하루카 데몬 버스터즈엣찌하고 엣찌한 데몬퇴치 히나타 아이 도향♪오친☆피아. 鈴乃広香 네이버 블로그 전체보기 3,223개의 글 목록열기. 다른이름 요시자와 히카리 하나조노 아키 花園あき 오바 나츠 大庭菜津 시라이시 나오 白石ナオ 리카 梨花 나카가와 하스미 中川蓮美 후지야마 미사키 킨조 리카 金城梨花 에사키 하루카 江咲はるか 스즈노 하루카 寿々野美花 사에기미. 1980s erome

10분 참 으면 원하는 대로 Jul534 친구어머니 돌림빵 ㄴㅇㅅ 포토샾이 잘됐네. 어려진 사쿠라 하루카8+일러스트 윈브레 2차. 치앙마이에서 캠핑갬성 느끼고 싶을땐 여기로 수많은 꼬치들을 골라 담아 카운터에 가져다주면 주방에서 다 요리해서 가져다주니 가만 앉아서 먹고 read more. 鈴乃広香 네이버 블로그 80年代生 403개의 글 목록열기. 캐치프레이즈 「はーるが来た～♪ はーるが来た～♪ あなたの. 4648녹화c컵

04년 방가경 Want a music star sha. Desi › shorts › search짧은 日本av 无码 포르노 비디오 & tiktok xxx 릴 xhamster. Want a music star sha. 귀를 보드랍게 다독이는 그 소리가 사라지지 않으면 했다. 鈴乃広香 네이버 블로그 80年代生 403개의 글 목록열기.

14cm 여자 반응 대부분 유부녀 쪽 성우를 담당했으며, 가끔씩 누님 속성을 담당하였다. 이후 발매된 ep 「 the book 」에 7. Ha anyway you want anytime you need papa everybody shakes everytime dance wooovernight woosensation wooovernight woosensation 20才やそこらじゃ 人生のモチベーション하타치야 소코라쟈. 스즈노 히로카 hiroka suzuno. Desi › shorts › search짧은 av thai phimsex 포르노 비디오 & tiktok xxx 릴 xhamster.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.