하지만 후반 29분 골대 정면으로 빠르게 쇄도하던 호날두가 오른쪽 측면에서 투입된 술탄 알 간남의 크로스를 오른발로 방향을 바꿔 승부를 원점으로 돌렸다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

마네, 펠릭스, 호날두와 함께 코망까지 가세하면서 알 나스르는 아시아에서 가장 강력한 공격진을 보유하게 되었습니다. 8%맨유랑 알 아스나르랑 6점차이혹여나 맨유가 이기면 3점차로 줄어듬아모림이 첫 패배를 할지기세를 이어나갈지 너무 궁금하네현실적으로 원정팀 맨유가 수비적으로 게임해야 하는게 맞기는 한대. 알 나스르 점수와 일정 스코어보드 닷컴에서 알 나스르의 라이브스코어와 결과, 일정, 자세한 경기내용등을 팔로우하세요. 크리스티아누 호날두가 득점포를 가동한 알나스르사우디아라비아가 20232024 아시아축구연맹afc 챔피언스리그 8강 진출에 성공하면서 태극전사 박용우가 뛰는 알아인아랍에미리트과 4강 진출을 놓고 다투게 됐다.

호세 마리아 알프레도 아스나르 로페스스페인어 José María Alfredo Aznar López, 문화어 호쎄 마리아 아쓰나르, 1953년 2월 25일 는 스페인의 정치인이다.

도움말 여기는 축구오만 섹션의 알 나스르 실시간 스코어 페이지입니다.. 알 나스르 편집 맨체스터 유나이티드 와의 계약을 상호 해지한 후 무소속으로 있다가 결국 2022년 12월 30일, 사우디아라비아 의 알 나스르로 이적했다..

이 클럽은 사우디 축구의 최상위 리그 사우디 프로페셔널리그 에 참가하고 있다.

알 나스르 점수와 일정 livesport. 과거 이천수선수도 잠시 몸을 담았던 팀입니다, 폭력은 스포츠맨쉽이지만 키퍼 경로방해는 비매너라고 ㅋㅋ dc app. 1995년 아시안 클럽 챔피언십현 afc 챔피언스 리그, 호세 마리아 아스나르 36위 37위 38위 39위 40위 비센테 페레르 카밀로 호세 셀라 페드로 두케 다니 페드로사 파우 가솔 41위 42위 43위 44위 45위 다비드 비스발 라파엘 나달 카마롱 데 라 이슬라 아스투리아스의 펠라기우스 후안 라몬 히메네스 46위 47위 48위 49위 50위, 알 나스르 편집 맨체스터 유나이티드 와의 계약을 상호 해지한 후 무소속으로 있다가 결국 2022년 12월 30일, 사우디아라비아 의 알 나스르로 이적했다.

Com › Rex444 › 223969955184알 나스르 202526시즌 라인업 총정리 코망, 펠릭스, 호날두까지 아.

도움말 여기는 축구사우디아라비아 섹션의 알 나스르 실시간 스코어 페이지입니다, Org › wiki › 알나스르_fc알나스르 fc 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전, 알나스르 스쿼드 about zentoto. 도움말 여기는 축구오만 섹션의 알 나스르 실시간 스코어 페이지입니다.

스쿼드, 결과, 테이블, 득점, 실점, 클린시트, btts, 오버 2. 일격을 맞은 알 나스르는 후반 공세의 수위를 더욱 높였다, 다음경기는 빡세다는 중동원정인 알 아스나르 반드시 이기고. Get live scores, halftime and full time soccer results, goal scorers and assistants, cards, substitutions, match statistics and live stream from premier league, la liga, serie a, bundesliga, ligue 1, eredivisie, russian premier league.

알 아스나르ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 리버풀 Fc 마이너 갤러리.

코망의 영입으로 알 나스르의 공격라인은 더욱 강화되었습니다, Aiscore football livescore provides you with unparalleled football live scores and football results from over 2600+ football leagues, cups and tournaments. 현재는 김진수선수가 전북현대로 임대되어 있습니다. 현재는 김진수선수가 전북현대로 임대되어 있습니다. 전반 1명이 퇴장당하는 수적열세 속에도 열심히 싸웠고 안데르송 탈리스카 등의 활약으로 21까지 갔지만 뱅상 아부바카 가 아쉬운 결정력을 보여주며 21로 패하고 말았다.

1955년 11월 3일 창단했으며 1976년에 사우디 프로페셔널리그에서 우승을 차지한 이래 많은 타이틀을 획득했다. 알 나스르는 433 포메이션을 가동했다. 도움말 여기는 축구사우디아라비아 섹션의 알 나스르 실시간 스코어 페이지입니다.

알 나스르사우디아라비아는 23일 오전 2시 20분한국시간 사우디 리야드에 위치한 Ksu 스타디움에서 열린 202324시즌 Acl 플.

마누엘 아사냐 디아스 스페인어 manuel azaña díaz, 1880년 1월 10일 1940년 1월 8일는 스페인 의 정치인 이다. 그가 잡혔을 때 고문을 끊임없이 받고서는 빈라덴과 후세인이 같이 대량살상무기를 만든다고 한 것이었어요, 그리고 2022 k리그2 준플레이오프 연맹 중계에 서울 fc라고 표기되었으며 문화체육관광부. 1955년 11월 3일 창단했으며 1976년에 사우디 프로페셔널리그에서 우승을 차지한 이래 많은 타이틀을 획득했다. 그가 잡혔을 때 고문을 끊임없이 받고서는 빈라덴과 후세인이 같이 대량살상무기를 만든다고 한 것이었어요.

하앙 임신 Com › sports › soccer알나스르 스쿼드. 알 나스르 점수와 일정 스코어보드 닷컴에서 알 나스르의 라이브스코어와 결과, 일정, 자세한 경기내용등을 팔로우하세요. ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ너무좋아ㅋㅋㅋ기념으로 이 써드유니폼살까봐 ㅋㅋ. 스페인 내전 당시 프란시스코 프랑코 의 군대가 카탈루냐 지방 과 바르셀로나 를 점령하자 피레네산맥 을 넘어 프랑스 로. 사우디 프로페셔널 리그 saudi professional league. 픽시브 인기순 디시

하요이 사건 호날두는 압둘라흐만 가리브의 침투 패스를 받아 페널티지역 왼쪽에서 왼발슛을 시도했다. 출처는 이븐 셰이크 알 리비 ibn sheikh allibi였습니다. 아아 축구 존나 더럽게 하네 아스날 마이너 갤러리. 스페인의 우파 정당인 국민당의 당수로 1996년 스페인 의 제76대 총리로 취임하였다. 폭력은 스포츠맨쉽이지만 키퍼 경로방해는 비매너라고 ㅋㅋ dc app. 하양이 트위터

피곤하면 몽정 디시 알나스르는 설립 이래 사우디 프로페셔널리그의 모든 시즌에 참가한 3팀 중. 스페인 제2공화국의 총리와 대통령을 비롯한 여러 직무를 역임하였다. 28 1505 알아스나르 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 이거 개쳐웃기네 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ. 28 1505 알아스나르 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 이거 개쳐웃기네 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ. Com에서 알 나스르의 라이브스코어와 결과, 일정, 자세한 경기내용등을 팔로우하세요. 한국 뒷보지

하야카와 아키 일본어 Aiscore football livescore provides you with unparalleled football live scores and football results from over 2600+ football leagues, cups and tournaments. 1995년 아시안 클럽 챔피언십현 afc 챔피언스 리그. 아돌포 수아레스 레오폴도 칼보소텔로 펠리페 곤살레스 제4대 제5대 제6대 호세 마리아 아스나르 호세 루이스 로드리게스 사파테로 마리아노 라호이 펠리페 6세 제6대 제7대 마리아노 라호이 페드로 산체스 ← 에스파냐국 총리 안테나3 선정 위대한 스페인인. 이 클럽은 사우디 축구의 최상위 리그 사우디 프로페셔널리그 에 참가하고 있다. 그가 잡혔을 때 고문을 끊임없이 받고서는 빈라덴과 후세인이 같이 대량살상무기를 만든다고 한 것이었어요.

피딩 트리 가격 그가 잡혔을 때 고문을 끊임없이 받고서는 빈라덴과 후세인이 같이 대량살상무기를 만든다고 한 것이었어요. 아돌포 수아레스 레오폴도 칼보소텔로 펠리페 곤살레스 제4대 제5대 제6대 호세 마리아 아스나르 호세 루이스 로드리게스 사파테로 마리아노 라호이 펠리페 6세 제6대 제7대 마리아노 라호이 페드로 산체스 ← 에스파냐국 총리 안테나3 선정 위대한 스페인인. 8%맨유랑 알 아스나르랑 6점차이혹여나 맨유가 이기면 3점차로 줄어듬. 호세 마리아 알프레도 아스나르 로페스스페인어 josé maría alfredo aznar lópez, 문화어 호쎄 마리아 아쓰나르, 1953년 2월 25일 는 스페인의 정치인이다. 출처는 이븐 셰이크 알 리비 ibn sheikh allibi였습니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.