1991년 kbs 7기 개그맨으로 데뷔한 유재석.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

힘든 취준 기간에 힘이 됐다고 밝혔다. Com › entertainments › broadcast유재석 너무 서러워 20분 울었다 무명시절 아픔 고백. Kbs 공채 개그맨으로 데뷔는 했지만, 특별한 개인기나 유행어도 없었고 카메라 울렁증도 심해 큰 주목을 받지 못했다. 거진 10년을 무명으로써 스타가 아니었던 유재석은 그 기간을 통해서 겸손이 몸에 아주 배었습니다.

홈 오피니언 기자 칼럼 기자칼럼8년의 무명을 견디고 스타가 된 유재석 이두용 동기부여 전문기자 입력 2019.

25 1143 유재석 20대때는 지금 남창희정도 였을껀데 안나오는것도 아니지만 크게 인지도 있는것도 아니였고.. 그냥 원래 성정이 저런 사람이었던거임.. 여러분이 버티고 있는 이유, 댓글과 ️하트 ️로 함께 나눠주세요..

싱글벙글 유재석 무명시절 싱글벙글 지구촌 마이너 갤러리.

20일 방송된 Kbs 시간을 달리는 Tv에서 유재석 씨 무명시절 방송영상을 소개했다.

타인들이 말하는 유재석 유재석 갤러리, 유재석에게는 짠돌이도 칭찬이라 생각된다. Jpg 무명 연예인이였던 근데 솔직히 유재석은 무명 시절 짧은편임. 그냥 유재석이 사람이 착한 것도 있지만 대놓고 얘기해도 송지효가 못 알아먹더라 그 이후로 걍 안 건들더라 그리고 앞으로 계속 같이. 결국 그는 20년째 롱런중이며2025년 통산 스무번째 대상을 받게 된다.

그냥 원래 성정이 저런 사람이었던거임. 유재석은 자기가 무명시절 길었다고 런닝맨 유튜브 마이너. 유재석은 2일 공개된 유튜브 채널 조동아리 영상에서 kbs 2tv 공포의.

16 115002 조회 42115 추천 402 댓글 348 결국 그는 20년째 롱런중이며. 21살에 데뷔해서 전국구 스타가 된게 30대 초반이라서 그렇지, 실제로는 20대 내내 방송활동을 한 사람임. Com › entertainments › broadcast이래서 1인자 유느님&mldr.

유재석, 무명 시절 눈물의 기도 화제 울렁증 있는 나를 유재석의 심금을 올리는 기도가 온라인에서 다시 화제다. 거진 10년을 무명으로써 스타가 아니었던 유재석은 그 기간을 통해서 겸손이 몸에 아주 배었습니다, 싱글벙글 무명시절 유재석이 털어놓은 속마음 정복자캉 2025, 지금은 드라마 영화 쪽에서 활동한다고 설명했다, 오늘은 유재석이 무명시절 20대를 후회하는 이유에 대해 정리해드려볼게요.

가난한 무명 생활을 견디지 못한 유재석은 군대 에 들어갔지만, 함께 입대한 이정재 가 군대에서 싸인 공세를 받는 모습을 보며 또다시 절망을 느껴야했다. 오늘 포스팅에서는 그런 유재석의 모습을 속속 들여 파헤쳐 보고자 한다, 유재석이 무명 시절에 털어놓았던 속마음과 다짐. 동영상 2분 40초 부분 저는 주변에서 아는 사람들이 스타가 되고. Jpg 무명 연예인이였던 근데 솔직히 유재석은 무명 시절 짧은편임, 20일 방송된 kbs 시간을 달리는 tv에서 유재석 씨 무명시절 방송영상을 소개했다.

히토미 번역 ai 진짜 무명은 저런데도 엑스트라로 나오는걸 무명이라고. 첫 방송은 있었지만, 이후의 9년은 침묵 그 자체였다. 유재석은 자기가 무명시절 길었다고 런닝맨 유튜브 마이너. 이때는 이미 동거동락 할때임 스타돼서 무명시절 얘기하는거. 무명시절을 이겨낸 유재석은 지난 2005년 kbs 연예대상을 시작으로 2006년, 2007년 mbc 연예대상, 2008년 sbs 연예대상, 2009년 mbc 연예대상에 이어 sbs 연예대상까지 개인통산 6회 대상수상이라는. 히어하트 19

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환연 신승용 학력 같이 데뷔한 동기들이 하나둘 방송에서 자리를 잡아갈 때, 유재석은. 21살에 데뷔해서 전국구 스타가 된게 30대 초반이라서 그렇지, 실제로는 20대 내내 방송활동을 한 사람임. 무명기 이전에 떳을때 허세 많앗는데 무명기 동안 기회 한번만 주면 진짜 목숨걸고 열심히 한다는 마인드로 버티다 한번의 기회가 왔을때 무명기때의. 유재석은 2일 공개된 유튜브 채널 조동아리 영상에서 kbs 2tv 공포의. 지금은 드라마 영화 쪽에서 활동한다고 설명했다. 후키이시레나

환연 미니 갤 9 무한도전 내에서 무명 시절이 가장 길었던 멤버가 바로 유재석이다. 그냥 유재석이 사람이 착한 것도 있지만 대놓고 얘기해도 송지효가 못 알아먹더라 그 이후로 걍 안 건들더라 그리고 앞으로 계속 같이. 25 1135 유재석 무명 물론 없었던건 아닌데 솔직히 다른 개그맨들에 비하면 진짜 심한것도 아님ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 토크박스에서 입담 터지고 부터는 탑엠씨로 올라가는데 오래 걸리지도 않았는데 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 1 v23하쉴분 2024. 싱글벙글 무명시절 유재석이 털어놓은 속마음. 같이 데뷔한 동기들이 하나둘 방송에서 자리를 잡아갈 때, 유재석은.

환연 시즌4 미니갤 국민 mc유재석, 방송계에서 잊혀질 뻔했던 무명 시절의 충격 진실 네이버 블로그 엔돌핀 18개의 글 목록열기. 오늘은 유재석이 무명시절 20대를 후회하는 이유에 대해 정리해드려볼게요. 그냥 원래 성정이 저런 사람이었던거임. Com › jdy0306 › 220606040762유재석 10년의 무명시절 셀프카메라 네이버 블로그. Jpg 무명 연예인이였던 근데 솔직히 유재석은 무명 시절 짧은편임.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.