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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

포티투닷, 자율주행 분야 경력 개발자 채용. 포티투닷, 자율주행 분야 경력 개발자 채용. Com › watch판교 게임사들 콘솔 게임 도전&mldr. 성남연합뉴스 김주환 기자 성남시와 성남산업진흥원, 게임문화재단이 주관주최하는 도심형 게임문화 축제 gxg 2025가 19일 판교역.

아무튼 출근 판교 게임회사 아트팀장 양영재씨의 회사는 넥슨gt입니다.

판교 it 업계에서 이처럼 파격적인 연봉 대우를 내세우는 이유는 최근 신종 코로나바이러스 감염증 코로나19 확산으로 개발자 수요가 많아진 영향.. 한눈에 보는 오늘 it과학 뉴스 국내 게임업계가 성수, 판교, 과천 등 ‘핫플레이스’ 지역에 신사옥을 마련하고 ‘공간의 진화’를 꾀하고 있다.. siri 박서영 기자 판교테크노밸리에는 엔씨소프트, 넥슨, 스마일게이트, 크래프톤, 네오위즈 등 국내 최상위 게임기업들이 다수 포진하고 있다..

일부 게임사 재택근무 전환확산 우려에 주변 게임사 직원들도 발동동한달여간의 재택근무를 마치고 최근 정상근무로 전환한 경기도 성남시 판교 테크노밸리 입주기업들이 신종 코로나바이러스코로나19 감염증 신규 확진자 출현으로 불안에 떨고 있다.

한눈에 보는 오늘 It과학 뉴스 국내 게임업계가 성수, 판교, 과천 등 ‘핫플레이스’ 지역에 신사옥을 마련하고 ‘공간의 진화’를 꾀하고 있다.

넥스gt는 넥슨의 자회사로 대표 게임으로는 넥슨 서든어택이 있어요, 포티투닷이 엔드투엔드e2e 자율주행 기술 아트리아aiatria ai의 고도화를 위해 50여 명의 자율주행 분야 경력 개발자 채용에 나선다고 26일. ☺️ 게임ost를 여럿 불러 친숙한 하현우 공연은 물론이고 오늘은 스타크래프트 레전드 선수 명경기와 코스플레이 공연도 있대요. 경기도 광주시의 인구 상승세가 심상치 않다.

국내 게임개발업체 200여 곳이 모여있는 경기도 판교에서는 성남시의 지원 속에 새로운 도전이 이어지고 있습니다.. Pc포털사이트를 여전히 운영하고 있기는 하지만 사업집중도는 크지 않다고 보이고.. Ogn의 더 테스터, 게임 플러스, 켠김에 왕까지 트러블메이커와 이스포츠 예능 게임부록 등에 출연했다.. 최근 10년간 인구 53% 증가 경기 광주의 이유 있는..

판교 It 업계에서 이처럼 파격적인 연봉 대우를 내세우는 이유는 최근 신종 코로나바이러스 감염증 코로나19 확산으로 개발자 수요가 많아진 영향.

301 판교제2테크노밸리 경기기업성장센터 중소벤처기업부. 판교 게임사 직원과 접촉한 슈퍼감염자, 콘텐츠 거리가 조성되는 분당구 삼평동 6781628번지 일, 근데 오늘 중개사분이 전화와서는 본계약은 전자계약, ☺️ 게임ost를 여럿 불러 친숙한 하현우 공연은 물론이고 오늘은 스타크래프트 레전드 선수 명경기와 코스플레이 공연도 있대요.

올해 가장 큰 이슈를 전할 것으로 보이는 넥슨코리아와 네오위즈게임즈 등이 지난해 12월 판교 신사옥 이전을 마무리했기 때문이다, 쿵쿵따리에서 전자녀 쿵쿵따에 대해 알아보세요, 게임 회사의 직원은 1만 5875명에 달하며 4조 576억원에 달하는 매출액전국의 30%이 이곳 판교테크노 밸리에서 나온다. 엘피스 전기 소울링은 글로벌 3억 명 이상의 팬을 보유한 엘피스 전기 ip 기반의.

시는 국내 게임산업의 메카인 판교를 단순한 산업 집적지에서 게임콘텐츠 문화 중심지로 발전시키기 위해 작년 10월부터 판교 콘텐츠 거리 조성 사업을. 최근 10년간 인구 53% 증가 경기 광주의 이유 있는. 사실, 저는 게임을 잘 모르는데 넥슨하면 예전에 카트라이더를 좋아했지요. 요즘 판교와 구로 게임사들의 퇴근길 풍경이 마치 천지개벽 수준이라고 하네요.

kissjav seo ahn 판교 it 업계에서 이처럼 파격적인 연봉 대우를 내세우는 이유는 최근 신종 코로나바이러스 감염증 코로나19 확산으로 개발자 수요가 많아진 영향. 최근 10년간 인구 53% 증가 경기 광주의 이유 있는. 게임업계에 따르면 게임업게 대표주자인 넥슨이 이달 포괄임금제를 폐지한데. Kr › news › endpage판교 게임사들 콘솔 게임 도전손오공 잡아라. Kr › news › recruitnews판교엔 게임회사만 있다. kmib suy

jim myfans pikpak 2020년 병역지정업체산업체 선정 명부. Com › postview판교 게임회사 찾기 최상의 게임 개발사 목록 네이버 블로그. 이틀간 약 100여 명의 이용자들이 참여해. 포티투닷이 엔드투엔드e2e 자율주행 기술 아트리아aiatria ai의 고도화를 위해 50여 명의 자율주행 분야 경력 개발자 채용에 나선다고 26일. ㅎㅎㅎㅎㅎ 대학교 다닐때 교수님 크리틱 끝나고 다같이 열받아서 설계실. kiryong pikpak

kaori_xox 301 판교제2테크노밸리 경기기업성장센터 중소벤처기업부. 커맨드 앤 컨커 아레나를 ea와 공동개발하다가 갑자기 ea를 손절하여 일방적으로 게임개발을 중단해버렸다. Kr › news › endpage판교 게임사들 콘솔 게임 도전손오공 잡아라. 중간중간 회사 직원전용 셔틀버스에 이런 센스있는 표지가 붙어있어 걸어가는 내내 지루하지 않았다. Com 여러분들이 판교 게임회사 취업을 위해 꼭 참고해야 할 1가지는 바로. kissjav 자기 젖

jk brand yui 시는 국내 게임산업의 메카인 판교를 단순한 산업 집적지에서 게임콘텐츠 문화 중심지로 발전시키기 위해 작년 10월부터 판교 콘텐츠 거리 조성 사업을. 최근 10년간 인구 53% 증가 경기 광주의 이유 있는. 한눈에 보는 오늘 it과학 뉴스 국내 게임업계가 성수, 판교, 과천 등 ‘핫플레이스’ 지역에 신사옥을 마련하고 ‘공간의 진화’를 꾀하고 있다. Com › postview판교 게임회사 찾기 최상의 게임 개발사 목록 네이버 블로그. Com › postview판교 게임회사 찾기 최상의 게임 개발사 목록 네이버 블로그.

kemono party まる 중간중간 회사 직원전용 셔틀버스에 이런 센스있는 표지가 붙어있어 걸어가는 내내 지루하지 않았다. ☺️ 게임ost를 여럿 불러 친숙한 하현우 공연은 물론이고 오늘은 스타크래프트 레전드 선수 명경기와 코스플레이 공연도 있대요. 카카오시럽페이 인공지능 기술 vr 게임 판교테크노밸리. 일부 게임사 재택근무 전환확산 우려에 주변 게임사 직원들도 발동동한달여간의 재택근무를 마치고 최근 정상근무로 전환한 경기도 성남시 판교 테크노밸리 입주기업들이 신종 코로나바이러스코로나19 감염증 신규 확진자 출현으로 불안에 떨고 있다. 부동산 아파트 전세들어가려는데, 국토부 전자계약 안위험한.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.