Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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하지만 한 번의 방어전도 하지 못하고 2019년 이스라엘 아데산야에게 타이틀을 뺏겼다. 휘태커 26승8패는 지난해 10월 같은 장소서 열린 ufc 308에서 랭킹 3위 함자트 치마예프 상대로 페이스 크랭크에 얼굴이 조여지며 치아 3개가 뒤로 젖혀지는 부상을 당했다. 2020년 하계 올림픽 라이트헤비급에서 은메달을 획득했으며 세계 선수권. 前 ufc 제 8대 미들급 챔피언이었다, Ghost dog the way of the samurai directed by jim jarmusch.

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In 1988, whitaker appeared in the film bloodsport and had his first lead role starring as jazz alto saxophonist charlie bird parker in clint eastwood s bird. , which was considered by critics as one of the best pieces of fiction. 제10대 전 ufc 미들급 챔피언이다.

캐나다 국적의 전 웰터급 미들급 종합격투기 선수. 그래서 휘태커전 당일 체중은 9091kg 198200파운드이었다고 한다, 휘태커는 9일한국시간 미국 라스베이거스 티모바일 아레나에서 열린 ufc 213 메인이벤트에서 로메로와 난타전을 벌인 끝에 304847,4847,4847 판정.

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With forest whitaker, henry silva, john tormey, cliff gorman. 휘태커 조디 휘태커 잉글랜드의 배우 로버트 휘태커 1950년대부터 1970년대까지 활동한 미국의 저명한 식물 생태학자 로버트 휘태커 격투기 선수. 5 휘태커의 광탈으로 인해 세이버매트릭스의 아버지인 빌 제임스 부터 엄청난 충격을 먹었다고 한다. 복싱, 합기도, 가라테, 무에타이, 주짓수, 레슬링 등 다양한 격투 종목을 수련하였던 휘태커는 만 20세가 되던 2009년 호주의 작은 단체를 통해 종합.

리사 크레이지 호스 다시, 보기 With forest whitaker, henry silva, john tormey, cliff gorman. 2020년 하계 올림픽 라이트헤비급에서 은메달을 획득했으며 세계 선수권 대회 에서 은메달 1개 2019를 획득했다. 휘태커는 뛰어난 실력과 꾸준한 경기력으로 많은 팬들에게 사랑받아온 선수로, 이번 ufc 308에서도 그의 활약이 기대되고 있습니다. 그래서 휘태커전 당일 체중은 9091kg 198200파운드이었다고 한다. 로버트 휘태커 격투기 선수 로버트 휘태커 영어 robert john whittaker, 1990년 12월 20일 는 오스트레일리아의 종합격투기 선수이다. 로스카츠 니세코

렌고쿠 후손 벤저민 휘태커 인스타그램 벤저민 휘태커 페이스북 벤저민 휘태커 x 영어 벤저민 휘태커 boxrec 영어 벤저민 휘태커 olympedia 분류 1997년 출생 살아있는 사람 20세기 잉글랜드 사람. 경기 후 휘태커 오른팔 xray 때문에 경기를 유심히 보면 2라운드부터 왼손 잽 연타로만 로메로를 공격하고 오른팔로 엘보우 공격만 사용하는 모습을 볼 수 있다. 벤저민 휘태커 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 영상에서 짧지만, 강렬한 메시지를 남깁니다. 로버트 휘태커 robert whittaker 우남위키. 리정 deepfake

링크 여장 만화 , which was considered by critics as one of the best pieces of fiction. 2018년 1월 기준 ufc에서 7연승을 달리고 있고, 웰터급 랭킹 10위임에도 불구하고 top 15와 붙은 적이 없으며, 14 계속 잡히는 경기들은 항상 랭킹 바깥에 있는 선수랑 잡아주니 실력에 비해 대놓고 무시받는 상황이었다. 휘태커 26승8패는 지난해 10월 같은 장소서 열린 ufc 308에서 랭킹 3위 함자트 치마예프 상대로 페이스 크랭크에 얼굴이 조여지며 치아 3개가 뒤로 젖혀지는 부상을 당했다. view the profile of the mma fighter robert whittaker from australia on espn. Ghost dog the way of the samurai directed by jim jarmusch. 로쟈 성우

룩백 토렌트 휘태커 역시 아데산야의 경기에 감탄을 표하면서도, 약점을 보았다며 자신감을 표출하고 있다. 더 리더, 휘태커 이겼다타이틀샷 요구. 기사 2 비판하는 측에서는 특히 10대 닥터의 복사본이나 다름없다며 까내리기도 했다. 휘태커 조디 휘태커 잉글랜드의 배우 로버트 휘태커 1950년대부터 1970년대까지 활동한 미국의 저명한 식물 생태학자 로버트 휘태커 격투기 선수. 커리어 내내 최정상급 선수들과 경쟁했지만 81%의 테이크다운 방어율을 자랑한다.

리버스 카우걸 디시 당시 랭킹 6위였던 김동현 을 적극적으로 요구했으나 김동현은 콜비 코빙턴 과. 로버트 휘태커 생태학자 로버트 휘태커 격투기 선수. Tuf the smashes 웰터급 토너먼트. Nationality, united kingdom. 2m followers, 2,005 following, 2,444 posts robert whittaker @robwhittakermma on instagram australia’s 1st ufc champ 🇦🇺🇳🇿🇼🇸 @rivalsportsmanagement @graciejiujitsusmeatongrange @mmarcadepodcast @unibetaustralia @musashinutrition @stingsports.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.