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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

1 쮀 뚜꾸ㅖ쮀에에ㅔㅔ 거북목 주욱처럼 비꼬기식으로 나올 때도 있다. Examples come from millions of authentic texts movie dialogues, news articles, official documents, and more. 이스라엘이 생존 인질과 사망한 인질의 시신을 모두. 이번 글에서는 세계 최대의 감옥이라고까지.

가자 또는 가자 시티는 팔레스타인의 가자 지구에 있는 도시이자 가자주의 주도이다.

이에 따라 가자지구의 평화 노력이 계속 진전될 수 있게 됐습니다.. 가자 주민 전체가 이 분쟁에 휘말리면서 극심한 불안에 직면하고 있습니다.. 건강타민 가자 효능 10가지 및 영양성분, 복용량과 주의점 by 글루타민 2025..

특파원 현장 한국기자 첫 가자지구 취재이스라엘군 간부.

가자 지구 地區, 아랍어 قطاع غزة 키타 가자, 영어 gaza strip, 문화어 가자 지대는 지중해 연안에 위치한 팔레스타인 의 통치 지역으로 서안지구 와 함께 팔레스타인을 구성한다. 가자 시티 자치 단체는 1893년에 설립되었다. Learn how to use the informal phrase 가자 gaja and the formal phrase 갑시다 gabshida to express ‘let’s go’ in korean. 이스라엘 가자 라파 국경검문소 내달 1일 양방향 개방, 가자 시티 자치 단체는 1893년에 설립되었다. 가자 보건부 통계에 근거한 ocha 에 따르면 2023년 10월 7일 이후 가자에서 69,000명 이상 의 팔레스타인 사람들이 사망했으며 17만 명 이상이 부상.

팔레스타인의 지역이자 도시에 대한 내용은 가자 지구 문서를, 러시아 보로네시에서 결성하여 1980년대부터 2000년까지 활동한 락 밴드에 대한 내용은 섹토르 가자 문서를 참고하십시오.

최근 란 그빌리의 유해가 송환되면서, 2014년 이후 처음으로 하마스는 가자지구에 더 이상 인질을 억류하지 않게 됐습니다. 가자 시티 자치 단체는 1893년에 설립되었다. Hours ago 서울뉴시스고재은 기자 이스라엘 정부가 가자지구 전쟁으로 사망한 팔레스타인이 7만 명을 넘었다는 하마스 측 통계를 인정하기로 했다고 현지. Learn korean words in real context using lingq, 6km 떨어진 지중해 연안에 위치해 있으며, 팔레스타인.

이스라엘, 가자지구 마지막 인질 시신 발견 평화 계획 2.. 가자지구 휴전 3개월만에 인질 모두 송환..

실시간 항공, 렌터카, 숙박, 버스투어 등 다양한 여행 서비스를 제공합니다. 이스라엘의 폭격과 포격으로 가자 지구 주택의 60% 이상이 파손되거나 파괴되었습니다. 16 이후 범 팔레스타인 정부는 사실상 이집트의. Clo 이스라엘은 1월 26일 가자지구에서 마지막 인질의 시신을 발견했으며, 이로써 라파 검문소 개방 조건을 충족하고 미국이 중재한 평화 계획의 1. 고대부터 전통적인 의약으로 사용되었던 가자는 그 특유의 효능으로 많은 사람들에게 사랑받아. 이스라엘 가자 라파 국경검문소 내달 1일 양방향 개방.

가자는 오랜 역사와 함께 다양한 건강 효능으로 잘 알려져 있는 자연식품입니다. 특파원 현장 한국기자 첫 가자지구 취재이스라엘군 간부. 2년여 간의 전쟁 bbc가 가자지구 내부서 목격한 참혹한. 가자지구는 팔레스타인 자치 정부에 속한 지역으로, 지중해와 이스라엘에 의해 둘러싸여 고립된 상태입니다.

가자지구 gaza strip의 지명 유래는 고대부터 시작된 역사적 배경을 가지고 있습니다, 이스라엘의 폭격과 포격으로 가자 지구 주택의 60% 이상이 파손되거나 파괴되었습니다, 뉴시스 보도에 따르면, 6일현지 시간 ap통신에 따르면 이스라엘군은 가자지구에서 숨진 채 억류돼 있던 란 그빌리의.

이레인 야스썰 하지만 이곳도 이스라엘 공습과 지상 공격으로 심하게 파괴됐다. 눈앞에 펼쳐진 콘크리트 지옥 서울연합뉴스 끝없는 콘크리트 잔해가 지평선까지 이어지고, 도시 전체는 잿빛 먼지에. 그들 은 개관식 에 참석하러 베이징 으로 갔다. Young poets aren’t born — they’re made through moments that stir the heart and experiences that leave lasting memories. News › article › 3161959이스라엘군 가자 주민 7만명 사망&mldr. 윤갤

윤공주 gif 에이 아이고 우리 삼촌이 뭐 여기 있어. 2023년 가자전쟁 발발 당시 살해된 뒤 가자지구로 끌려간 마지막 이스라엘 인질의 주검이 이스라엘로 돌아왔다. 2023년 가자전쟁 발발 당시 살해된 뒤 가자지구로 끌려간 마지막 이스라엘 인질의 주검이 이스라엘로 돌아왔다. What does 가자 mean in korean. 최근 란 그빌리의 유해가 송환되면서, 2014년 이후 처음으로 하마스는 가자지구에 더 이상 인질을 억류하지 않게 됐습니다. 유혜디 레전드 디시

유플펨돔 Understand the exact meaning of 가자 and learn how to use it correctly in any context. 당시 가자지구에는 20명의 생존 인질과 그빌리를 포함해 사망한 인질 28명의 시신이 남아 있었다. 가자지구 gaza strip의 지명 유래는 고대부터 시작된 역사적 배경을 가지고 있습니다. 가자지구 북부 가자시티가 내려다보는 제방 위에서는 이 전쟁이 남긴 상처를 감출 길이 없다. 가자 지구는 팔레스타인 서쪽 지중해 연안에 위치하며, 이집트와 국경을 맞대고 있습니다. 의붓 섹스

윤공주 보는법 기원전 7세기경, 이집트가 침공해 이집트의 도시가 되었다. 최근 란 그빌리의 유해가 송환되면서, 2014년 이후 처음으로 하마스는 가자지구에 더 이상 인질을 억류하지 않게 됐습니다. Literally, the conversation is going to the mountains. 팔레스타인 중앙통계청pcbs에 따르면, 2023년 현재 가자 지구에는 가자시티. 가자 지구 地區, 아랍어 قطاع غزة 키타 가자, 영어 gaza strip, 문화어 가자 지대는 지중해 연안에 위치한 팔레스타인의 통치 지역으로 서안지구와 함께 팔레스타인을 구성한다.

이모의 몸이 너무 기분 좋아서 Day ago 이스라엘군 가자 주민 7만명 사망하마스 집계와 일치 서울연합뉴스 임화섭 기자 이스라엘군이 가자지구 전쟁으로 이 지역 주민이 7만명 사망했다고 인정했으며 이는 하마스 측 집계와 일치한다고 영국 일간 더타임스가 29일 현지시간 보도했다. Com › letsgoinkoreanhow to say lets go in korean learn this fun phrase. 뉴시스 보도에 따르면, 6일현지 시간 ap통신에 따르면 이스라엘군은 가자지구에서 숨진 채 억류돼 있던 란 그빌리의. 2023년 가자전쟁 발발 당시 살해된 뒤 가자지구로 끌려간 마지막 이스라엘 인질의 주검이 이스라엘로 돌아왔다. 팔레스타인의 지역이자 도시에 대한 내용은 가자 지구 문서를, 러시아 보로네시에서 결성하여 1980년대부터 2000년까지 활동한 락 밴드에 대한 내용은 섹토르 가자 문서를 참고하십시오.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.