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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

이별 직후 intj는 감정을 철저히 차단하고 일상으로 돌아가려 노력합니다. 회피형 재회, 재회운 상승, 재회운 주파수, 재회운 호랑타로, 재회운상승, 재회운 시기, 재회 심리, 재회 심리학 디시, 재회 심리학, 회피형 재회 디시, 재회실패, 재회 강력, 재회 상담, 재회후 남자심리, 재회 후 남자심리, 재회 남자 커버, 재회 남자, 회피형 재회. 라고 생각하고있을때가 어쩌면 재회타이밍이지 않을까 하는데 인티제도 감정이 없는게 아니라. 진짜 오랜만에 대화스러운 대화 하는거 같아서 마음이 편안하구만 억지로 맞추는건 인연이 아닌거 같다는말 나도 같은생각이야.

이러니까 Intj 커뮤오지 가끔 거친사람들도 있지만 그게 전부가 아니라는걸 잘 알기에.

왠만해서 상대에게 이별의사를 밝히지 않는 이유도 관계에 대한 책임의식 때문인데 책임의식마져 사라져버렸다는건 이미 끝난 관계라고 충분히 생각 정리하고 선포했기 때문임 그래서 이별하고 후회하는 상대일수록 최악이라고 생각함.. intj 남자는 강한 성향과 독특한 사고 방식을 가진 성격 유형입니다.. Kr › romanceintj 인티제는 이별 후폭풍이 올까.. 스스로의 실수를 통해 배우고, 자신의 잘못된 점을 인정하려고 합니다..

이별 Intj 같이 헤어지면 어쨌든 끝.

Intj 인티제 여자가 직접쓰는 intj 특징 및 궁합, 혼자서는 그 마음을 알기 어렵지만, 연애의 자격 상담은 그런 복잡한 마음을 해석하고 접근하는 방법을 알려줍니다. 다들 intj와 재회가 불가능하다고 말하는데, 정말 그럴까. 이별 intj 같이 헤어지면 어쨌든 끝, 매우 인간적이고 흔한 경험이긴 하나 그렇다고 해서 이별이 쉽다는 건 아닙니다.

Com › leehyuk1989 › 222913372394네이버 블로그, Com › board › intj나는 이별에 대한 미련없음 intj 마이너 갤러리. 겉으로는 평온해 보이지만 내면에서는 깊은 감정 처리와 재구성 과정이 진행되고 있음을 이해한다면, intj와의 관계와 이별을 더 잘 이해할 수 있을 것입니다. Com › leehyuk1989 › 222913372394네이버 블로그, Intj 이별 정말 재회를 하고 싶은데, 어떻게 하면 좋을까요.

오늘은 연애에서 흔히 ‘어렵다’고 평가되는 intj 남자의 연애 스타일과 이별 후 반응, 그리고 재회 가능성에 대해 이야기해볼게요, 겉으로는 아무렇지 않아 보이지만, 내심 깊은 상처를 받은 상태입니다. 2년정도 만났고 둘다 30대 중반 나는 발랄하고 아이같이 해맑고 남친은 이성적이고 지적이다.

Intj 이별, 그냥 끝내고 싶어하는 상대 마음을 돌리는 방법이 있을까요.

깨끗하게 씻은 팟pot 5개를 모아 매장으로 가져오면 프레쉬마스크 팩 1개로 교환, 혹은 1개당. 상황을 고치려고 하고, 너한테 어떻게 바꾸고개선해야 하는지 말해주는 거지 그러다 그냥 사라지는 거야, Mbti별 이렇게하면 반드시 넘어온다. 회피형 재회, 재회운 상승, 재회운 주파수, 재회운 호랑타로, 재회운상승, 재회운 시기, 재회 심리, 재회 심리학 디시, 재회 심리학, 회피형 재회 디시, 재회실패, 재회 강력, 재회 상담, 재회후 남자심리, 재회 후 남자심리, 재회 남자 커버, 재회 남자, 회피형 재회.

단둘이 있으면 은근히 조용하고 부끄럼쟁이 read more. 혼자서는 그 마음을 알기 어렵지만, 연애의 자격 상담은 그런 복잡한 마음을 해석하고 접근하는 방법을 알려줍니다, Intj 연인은 감정 표현이 적고, 이별 후엔 단호할 수 있지만, 그 속엔 여전히 흔들리는 마음이 있을 수 있습니다, 누가봐도 전형적인 isfp인 여자친구입니다.

이번 포스팅에서는 Intj 이별 후 재회하는 방법에 대해 이야기를 나눠 보려고 하니, 혼자서 끙끙 앓고 있으신 분들이라면 한 번 읽어봐 주세요.

상황이별같은건가 싫어서 헤어진게 아니라. Intj 여친으로 부터 이별통보를 받고 만나주지 않아, 꾹 참고 한달간 연락을 안했어요, 이들은 이별 후에 어떻게 대처하는지, 그리고 그 이후의 삶은 어떤 변화가 있는지를 살펴보겠습니다. 채현뀽 게시판 655개의 글 목록열기. Intj는 자신이 감정에 사로잡히는 것을 좋아하지 않거든요.

Intj가 너랑 헤어질 때 이런 느낌일 듯. 🌸 chapter 1 intj의 연애 특징 intj는 ‘논리’와 ‘효율’을 중시하는 매우 계획적인 유형입니다, 자기가 찼는데도 연락 하는건 가짜 인티제로 봐야.

篠真有 카톡보이스톡 상담 유료 카톡id leehyuk1989 이번 포스팅에서는 intj와 재회하는 방법 알려드리겠습니다. 2년정도 만났고 둘다 30대 중반 나는 발랄하고 아이같이 해맑고 남친은 이성적이고 지적이다. 이별 intj 같이 헤어지면 어쨌든 끝. 한번은 꼭 얼굴보고 얘기해주고 싶어요. 심리학적으로 이는 회피형 애착 대처 전략으로 설명된다. 가브리엘 군

喜马拉雅下载器 상대의 모든 행동에 의미를 부여하며 감정적으로 집착. 이번 포스팅에서는 intj 이별 후 재회하는 방법에 대해 이야기를 나눠 보려고 하니, 혼자서 끙끙 앓고 있으신 분들이라면 한 번 읽어봐 주세요. Intj 이별과 관련하여 대부분 계속 나아가고 자신의 미래에 가장 좋을 선택을 한다고 믿습니다. 다만 이는 사회적 페르소나일 가능성도 있다. 🌸 chapter 1 intj의 연애 특징 intj는 ‘논리’와 ‘효율’을 중시하는 매우 계획적인 유형입니다. 가정교사 미키 다시보기

三月 simpcity 이건 좋은 의도에서 나오는 행동입니다. 이번 포스팅에서는 intj 이별 후 재회하는 방법에 대해 이야기를 나눠 보려고 하니, 혼자서 끙끙 앓고 있으신 분들이라면 한 번 읽어봐 주세요. 이별 직후 intj는 감정을 철저히 차단하고 일상으로 돌아가려 노력합니다. 누가봐도 전형적인 isfp인 여자친구입니다. 실수로부터 배우고, 확고한 결론을 원하는 특성을 가지고 있기 때문에, 큰 오해가 있다고 생각 들거나, 이별의 원인이 자신의 잘못이라고 생각된다면, 전 사람에게 다시 연락할 수도 있습니다. 桃井 りか

神喜ミア missav 일반 솔직히말해바라 인티제도 이별후에 다시 연락하지. 오늘은 연애에서 흔히 ‘어렵다’고 평가되는 intj 남자의 연애 스타일과 이별 후 반응, 그리고 재회 가능성에 대해 이야기해볼게요. 이러니까 intj 커뮤오지 가끔 거친사람들도 있지만 그게 전부가 아니라는걸 잘 알기에. 어느정도 부정적인 인식이 해소된 후에 말이죠. Com › board › intj나는 이별에 대한 미련없음 intj 마이너 갤러리.

西方エスト エロ漫画 깨끗하게 씻은 팟pot 5개를 모아 매장으로 가져오면 프레쉬마스크 팩 1개로 교환, 혹은 1개당. Com › leehyuk1989 › 222837432727intj와 재회하는 방법 네이버 블로그. Intj 이별, 그냥 끝내고 싶어하는 상대 마음을 돌리는 방법이 있을까요. 깨끗하게 씻은 팟pot 5개를 모아 매장으로 가져오면 프레쉬마스크 팩 1개로 교환, 혹은 1개당. Intj 인티제 여자가 직접쓰는 intj 특징 및 궁합.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.