Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

지방이 적당해 돼지고기의 고소한 맛을 즐길수 있습니다. 돼지에서 가장 부드러운 근육이라 지방이 거의 없습니다. 들을 때는 아는데 조금 지나면 헷갈리는 히레까스와 로스까스 그리고 멘치까스에 대해서도 같이 알아보도록 하겠습니다. 돈가스 豚 とん カツ, 톤카츠 또는 돈까스는 돼지고기의 안심과 등심 부위를 저민 뒤 튀김옷을 입혀 튀기는 일본식 커틀릿 요리를 말한다.

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Kr › @footballkid › 3로스까스와 히레까스, 도대체 어디일까, 단품으로 먹어도 맛있고, 카레와 함께 곁들여서. 일본에서는 이 부위를 사용하여 만든 요리를 히레카츠라고 부릅니다, 이름은 익숙한데 차이를 정확히 알기 어려워 늘 감으로 주문합니다. 등심돈까스 vs 안심돈까스 비교 등심돈까스 일본어로 로스카츠. 히레카츠안심돈까스의 특징​ 돼지고기 중 히레안심부위는 로스등심 대비 나오는 양이 적기 때문에 비쌉니다.

돼지고기 부위 중에서도 등심 바로 아래에 있는 안심을 사용하기에 운동량이 적은 만큼 근육량도 적답니다, 히레카츠 뜻 로스카츠 히레카츠 차이점 네이버 블로그, 돼지고기 안심히레 vs 등심로스 부위별 차이. 이 단어들은 일본어 스럽지는 않지만 일본에서 사용되어고있는 일본어이다. ひれかつ（히레카츠）는 돼지고기의 안심 부분의 고기를 이용해서 만든 돈카츠를 히레카츠라고 합니다.

일본에서는 이 부위를 사용하여 만든 요리를 히레카츠라고 부릅니다. 로스카츠와 히레카츠 차이 로스카츠와 히레카츠 는 모두 일본식 돈까스 카츠지만, 사용되는 돼지고기 부위와 그에 따른 식감, 맛, 가격 등에서 뚜렷한 차이가 있습니다. Com › entry › 히레카츠뜻로스히레카츠 뜻 로스카츠 뜻 부위 알려드려요 등심 안심 차이.

반면 히레까스는 지방이 적으며 매우 부드럽습니다.. ‘히레카츠 ヒレカツ’는 일본어에서 유래한 명칭으로, 안심 부위로 만든 돈가스를 뜻해요.. 안심을 뜻하는 히레카츠는 지방이 적고 부드러운 식감이 특징이다..

진재일 교수 나무위키

돈가스 豚 とん カツ, 톤카츠 또는 돈까스는 돼지고기의 안심과 등심 부위를 저민 뒤 튀김옷을 입혀 튀기는 일본식 커틀릿 요리를 말한다. 롯데백화점 상인점에 지갑 보러 왔다가 원하는 게 없어서 돌아보던 와중, 배가 고파온다 롯데백화점 내에. 단품으로 먹어도 맛있고, 카레와 함께 곁들여서. 반면 등심을 뜻하는 로스카츠는 저지방. 롯데백화점 상인점에 지갑 보러 왔다가 원하는 게 없어서 돌아보던 와중, 배가 고파온다 롯데백화점 내에.

롯데백화점 상인점에 지갑 보러 왔다가 원하는 게 없어서 돌아보던 와중, 배가 고파온다 롯데백화점 내에. 카츠 종류 중 히레카츠와 로스카츠 차이. ひれかつ（히레카츠）는 돼지고기의 안심 부분의 고기를 이용해서 만든 돈카츠를 히레카츠라고 합니다. 남녀노소 많은 사람들이 좋아하는 음식 돈까스와 규카츠.

진성네토 필라테스 porn 미소야 메뉴 가격 추천, 로스카츠와 히레카츠 차이 부위 뜻. 일본은 빵가루를 입혀 튀겨낸 음식들이 많이 발달했는데, 이들은 흔히 카츠 라는. 카츠 종류 중 히레카츠와 로스카츠 차이 돈카츠 종류에 히레카츠와 로스카츠가 있잖아요 이 두개의 차이가 무엇인가요. 로스카츠, 히레카츠 뜻 네이버 블로그 고기정보 56개의 글 목록열기. 🍽 로스카츠와 히레카츠, 무엇이 다를까요. 진자림 딸감

지아핑 섹트 히레까스와 로스까스의 뜻돈까스とんかつ는 일본어 단어로, 돼지고기 가츠カツ, 튀김요리를 뜻합니다. 로스까스의 로스ロース는 일본어로 등심을. 이는 등심 안심 차이와 동일하다고 보시면 되는데요. 지방이 매우 적은 편이고 척추 안쪽에 있는 부위라 근육이 적다. 히레카츠안심돈까스의 특징​ 돼지고기 중 히레안심부위는 로스등심 대비 나오는 양이 적기 때문에 비쌉니다. 찐찌빡추

죠죠 야동 반면 히레카츠는 근육이 적어 더 부드러운 맛이 난다. 돈가스는 부위에 따라 식감이 확연히 다르다. 처음 가게에 들어가면 둘 중 하나에서 막힙니다. 안심은 등뼈 안쪽에 위치하여, 돼지가 평생 살아가면서 거의 사용하지 않는 근육입니다. 히레카츠 뜻 로스카츠 히레카츠 차이점 네이버 블로그. 줌수업 자위녀

중국인 포르노 안심 이라는 뜻 히레카츠 두 번째는 돈가스 집에서 들어보셨던 히레카츠입니다. 우선 결론부터 말씀드리면 로스까스가 등심이고 히레까스가 안심입니다. 남녀노소 많은 사람들이 좋아하는 음식 돈까스와 규카츠. 돼지의 안심 부위를 이용해 만드는 돈카츠. 히레까스의 히레ヒレ는 일본어로 안심을 뜻하는 말입니다.

착시 야짤 아시는 분들 답변 달아주시면 감사하겠습니다. 여기서 로스 는 돼지고기의 등심 부위 뜻하며, 이 부위는 지방이 적당히 포함되어 있어 부드럽고 육즙이 풍부합니다. 히레카츠 안심부위 특유의 부드러움과 담백함을 자랑하는 히레까스입니다. 히레카츠는 돼지고기에서 비교적 부드럽고 쫄깃한 부위로 만들어지며 고기가 부드럽고. 히레카츠는 안심부위의 돈까스로 부드럽고 촉촉한 식감을 가지고 있으며, 로스카츠는 등심부위의 고기로 쫄깃하며 고단백 부위입니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.