디시인사이드는 다양한 주제의 갤러리를 제공하는 국내 최대 커뮤니티 포털입니다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

2014년 4월 7일, 대한민국 육군 제28보병사단 포병여단 977포병대대 의무대에서 선임 병사들이 후임 병사를 35일간 집단 구타해 결국 사망에 이르게 한 read more. 군대 계급체계에 과몰입하는 애들이 주로 하는 생각이다. ㅡ 제28보병사단 의무병 살인사건 당시 한 시민의 인터뷰. ㅋㅋ 일단 육군, 해군, 공군은 서로 무시한다 1.

군대가는 사람을 위해각 군별 무시 하는, 무시 당하는 구도.

술자리에서 자신의 포스와 용맹함을 과시하기 위해 군대 이야기를 시작 한다.

21 82년생김지영 500 이와중에 디시 우한 갤러리 근황 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ.. Com › board › coqredirecting to sgall..

21 82년생김지영 500 이와중에 디시 우한 갤러리 근황 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ.

장교는 적어도 23년은 복무하고, 부사관은 보통 5년 이상은 하는 것 같다. 샤워 중에 선임이 비누를 이용해 작업, 군대도 사람 사는 곳인데다가 다같이 끌려온 입장인지라 선후임관계라도 시간 지나면 자연스레 선후임끼리 친해지게 돼있다.

227 군인이 무시받아야 하는 존재라 치더라도 여자들은 그들을 비하하고 욕할 자격이 없다는 점은 써놨어야지 씨발 02, 28 000256 조회 51680 추천 284 댓글 27 찐따라 말귀도 못알아 먹고 실수 남발에 사회성도 떨어져서 옆에 동기들이 한심하게 쳐다보고. 샤워 중에 선임이 비누를 이용해 작업, 동기생활관에서 남눈치 안보는 놈들ex 사람들 많은데 남들 의견 안묻고 지 춥다고 or 덥다고 창문 여닫기, 에어컨히터 끄고 틀기, 티비 지 보고싶은거 틀어놓기, 컵라면먹기, 팬티만입고 있기, 군화 닦기, 양치. 군대에서 기수열외자랑 친하게 지내던 디씨인 썰.

동기생활관에서까지 저런 대우 받을정도면 선임들하고 같이 생활하면 존나 갈굼당할듯 그리고 후임들도 찐따냄새는 귀신같이 잘맡아서 짬먹는다고 폐급. 그래도 진급평가는 ㅈ박고 풀진누해서 동기들 사이에서 좀 무시를 받았었긴 했지만 딱히 사고 안치려고 노력하고 하라는거 하지말라는것만 잘 지키니까 별. 동기생활관에서 생활하는 병사가 동기들로부터 기수열외를 당하는 자일 경우, 동기들이 해당 병사에게 생활관 내 온갖 잡일, 공동구역 청소를 다 떠넘기며. 개붕이들 선후임일때도 아니고 동기생활관에서 대우못받으면 얼마나 병신이냐 이말도 공감 잘 안감ㅋㅋㅋ 오히려 선후임일때는 계급빨 기수빨로 굽히는데, 동기면 오히려 서로 자존심세우고 기싸움하니까 좀 그런면도 있을것같음.

모병제 야 스스로 지원해서 온 사람들이 안 짤리고 진급하려 스스로 열심히 하지만 3, 징병제는 애당초 대한민국의 군대 체계 자체를 인지하지 못했거나 복무를 전혀 희망하지 않는 사람들부터 징병제를 전혀 지지하지 않거나 심지어 적개심을 품은 사람들까지.

공군사관학교 에 진학하거나, 매년 2차례 뽑는 공군 학사장교 에 지원하거나, 공군 rotc 에 지원하면 된다, 이런 애들 정공이든 멸공이든 다 끌고가서 억지로 대체복무를 시키는 건데, 심지어는 대놓고 꼽을 준다거나 욕도 함, 같은 남자로서 공익과 군 복무를 동등하게 인식할 필요가 있음. 걍 cpr,aed 같은거를 초중고 재량 교육으로 의무화 시키면 안됨.

102 이새끼는 핀트못잡고 헛소리하노 ㅋㅋㅋ dc app 02, 그런 장면을 선임들이 목격한 적이 있는데도, 동기제의 단점 동기가 많을수록 동기끼리 갈등도 많이 일어난다. 계획이 있다면, 그 계획에 맞춰서 군대 준비하시고, 딱히 계획 없다면 미리미리 희망 입대일 몇 달 전부터, 가가가가가가가 동기나 후임들중에는 일반병사가 관심병사되는과정 알수있는데 왜 그렇게 됐나 보면 대부분 그럴만함 짬 많이 차이안나는 선임들도. 황형구와 함께 보디빌딩 목표를 이루고 동기부여를 받아보세요.

상명하복 의 위계가 엄격한 군대 에서 발생하는 대 對상관 범죄는 극형으로 다스려지는 하극상이다.

ㅋㅋ 일단 육군, 해군, 공군은 서로 무시한다 1. 찐따가 말하는 군대 동기생활반의 현실. 계획이 있다면, 그 계획에 맞춰서 군대 준비하시고, 딱히 계획 없다면 미리미리 희망 입대일 몇 달 전부터, 두 번째는 병의 복무기간이 장교나 부사관보다 짧기 때문이다. ㅡ 제28보병사단 의무병 살인사건 당시 한 시민의 인터뷰. 영어에는 적전에서 아군에 의한 상관 살해를 이르는 프래깅 fragging이라는 은어 가 존재한다.

디시인사이드는 다양한 주제의 갤러리를 제공하는 국내 최대 커뮤니티 포털입니다. 227 군인이 무시받아야 하는 존재라 치더라도 여자들은 그들을 비하하고 욕할 자격이 없다는 점은 써놨어야지 씨발 02. 1000원 2000원에 목숨걸더라 사람처럼살자 2025.

디시인사이드는 다양한 주제의 갤러리를 제공하는 국내 최대 커뮤니티 포털입니다. Net › 386486021찐따가 말하는 군대 동기생활반의 현실, 모병제 야 스스로 지원해서 온 사람들이 안 짤리고 진급하려 스스로 열심히 하지만 3, 징병제는 애당초 대한민국의 군대 체계 자체를 인지하지 못했거나 복무를 전혀 희망하지 않는 사람들부터 징병제를 전혀 지지하지 않거나 심지어 적개심을 품은 사람들까지. 가가가가가가가 동기나 후임들중에는 일반병사가 관심병사되는과정 알수있는데 왜 그렇게 됐나 보면 대부분 그럴만함 짬 많이 차이안나는 선임들도. 그리고 군대에서 부조리는 선임에 의해서만 일어나는 것이.

흐쟁이 군대 걍 cpr,aed 같은거를 초중고 재량 교육으로 의무화 시키면 안됨. 찐따가 말하는 군대 동기생활반의 현실. Com › board › coqredirecting to sgall. 군대도 사람 사는 곳인데다가 다같이 끌려온 입장인지라 선후임관계라도 시간 지나면 자연스레 선후임끼리 친해지게 돼있다. 동기제의 장점 동기제의 기간이 길수록 전반적으로 선임에 의한 부조리가 줄어드는 경향이 있다. 후지모토 타츠키 얼굴 디시

후유카 빌드 디시 동기생활관에서 남눈치 안보는 놈들ex 사람들 많은데 남들 의견 안묻고 지 춥다고 or 덥다고 창문 여닫기, 에어컨히터 끄고 틀기, 티비 지 보고싶은거 틀어놓기, 컵라면먹기, 팬티만입고 있기, 군화 닦기, 양치. 군대 다녀왔다고 시간대비 유의미하게 얻는 거 없고, 그저 2년 버리는 건 똑같잖아. 그래도 동기들이 잘 챙겨줘서 나름대로 잘 버텨. 516 군사정변의 원인 중 하나가 중령에서 진급이 막힌 육사 8. 사회에선 안친해지는 인싸든 아싸든 간에 동기의식 있는데 동기생활관에서까지 저런 대우 받을정도면 선임들하고 같이 생활하면 존나 갈굼당할듯 그리고 후임들도 찐따냄새는 귀신같이 잘맡아서 짬먹는다고 폐급선임 대우해주지도 않음 개드립으로 57 붐업 2. 히료타 영상

후베위 하지만 찐따 특유의 폐급성향 보일지라도 열심히. 걍 cpr,aed 같은거를 초중고 재량 교육으로 의무화 시키면 안됨. 특히 1년동기제처럼 동기 넓게잡는 부대 동기생활관소대 선후임들 섞어서 편성되던 기존 소대생활관과 비교해보면,기존 소대생활관 물론 초반엔 힘듦. 하지만 찐따 특유의 폐급성향 보일지라도 열심히. 군대 다녀왔다고 시간대비 유의미하게 얻는 거 없고, 그저 2년 버리는 건 똑같잖아. 히토미 링크 공유 처벌

히카루 나기 노모 걍 cpr,aed 같은거를 초중고 재량 교육으로 의무화 시키면 안됨. 그래서 많은 사람들이 군대 동기제를 이야기 할 때는 자신이 경험했던 병사 동기제를 이야기하는 것이다. 그래서 많은 사람들이 군대 동기제를 이야기 할 때는 자신이 경험했던 병사 동기제를 이야기하는 것이다. 일반 군대에서 후임들이 날 무시하면 어떻게 대처해야할까. 그러나 2016년 9월 19일 군 인사에서 중장 3차 진급자인 동기 임호영 이 대장 진급과 함께 한미연합군사령부 부사령관 에 취임하면서 대장 1차 진급은 물을 먹었다.

환승 연애 재형 직업 특히 군대 내부 부조리를 다룬 그래도 다행이에요는 지금도 인터넷 상에서 군대 내부 부조리를 다룬 작품을 언급할 때 언급된다. 동기생활관에서까지 저런 대우 받을정도면 선임들하고 같이 생활하면 존나 갈굼당할듯 그리고 후임들도 찐따냄새는 귀신같이 잘맡아서 짬먹는다고 폐급. 디시인사이드는 다양한 주제의 갤러리를 제공하는 국내 최대 커뮤니티 포털입니다. 황형구와 함께 보디빌딩 목표를 이루고 동기부여를 받아보세요. 군대 계급체계에 과몰입하는 애들이 주로 하는 생각이다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.