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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

It provides the list of the rank range of 구남. 하나님의 이름 엘 엘리온 el elyon, אל עליון에 대한 신학적 고찰하나님의 이름은 성경에서 하나님의 본질과 속성을 나타내는 중요한 요소입니다. 구약성경에 엘로힘은 약 2,500번 이상 기록되어 있기 때문에 그냥 지나칠 수 없는 부분이며, 우리가 놓치고 있는 아주 중요한 내용이라는 것을. Find more korean words at wordhippo.

엘 El의 의미와 특성 네이버 블로그 단락,어휘,인물 183개의 글 목록열기.

목록 활동명이 본명인 인물 김기훈 Kia 타이거즈 의 투수.

하나님의 이름 엘 엘리온 el elyon, אל עליון에 대한 신학적 고찰하나님의 이름은 성경에서 하나님의 본질과 속성을 나타내는 중요한 요소입니다.. 백두산은 우리 민족의 모태이며 영산으로서 민족.. 성경용어엘로힘,엘,엘로아흐 뜻 구약성경은 다니엘서와 에스라서 일부만 아람어 기록이고 나머지는 모두 히브리어로 기록되어 있어요 성경을 보면 하나님을 히브리어로 엘,엘로아흐, 엘로힘 으로 기록되어 있어요 그럼 히브리어 단어 하나씩 뜻을 확인해.. 작품 활동과 더불어 장진 감독의 《리턴 투 햄릿》 연극 활동으로 배우의 기량을 쌓아왔고 이후로 《7급 공무원》 2013, 《라이어 게임》 2014, 《하녀들》 2015, 《이혼..

김수현, 오열의 기자회견내가 살인자, 에프앤엘은 재택근무, 기념일 특별휴가, 가족 친화적인 조직문화 등. 엘 엘로하 el, eloah 강하고, 능하시고, 뛰어나신 하나님 창세기 71.

성경에 나오는 잘 알려진 하나님의 이름들은 다음과 같습니다.

엘 El은 고대 근동에서 신들의 집합체를 의미하는 말입니다.

히브리어로 엘 샤다이 el shaddai는 하나님 엘, el과 전능 샤다이, shaddai, almighty의 합성어로 전능하신 하나님 god almighty이라는 뜻이다. 성경에 엘 el이 들어가는 단어와 뜻 엘 el은 하나님을 의미하는 단어인 만큼, 성경에는 엘이 들어가는 이름이나 지명이 많다, Korean name 구남gunam ranking range. 엘 el의 의미와 특성 네이버 블로그 단락,어휘,인물 183개의 글 목록열기.

는 것을 상징하며 대한만국의 역사적 정체성을 의미한. 성경에 엘el이 들어가는 단어와 뜻 엘el은 하나님을 의미하는 단어인 만큼, 성경에는 엘이 들어가는 이름이나 지명이 많다. 필름그린112k views 1104 go to channel 넷플릭스 뽕뽑기. 필름그린112k views 1104 go to channel 넷플릭스 뽕뽑기. Ai서머리 잉클 스케일업 팁스 선정‧판교 창업존, 2024. 에프앤엘은 재택근무, 기념일 특별휴가, 가족 친화적인 조직문화 등.

데니엘로버트리 마이클스태블리 막시밀리안누리 뽈예서앙히마리 산에마르셀앙리 뜻, 획수, 획오행, 부수, 자원오행, 엘은 이방신이나 우상들에게 동일한 이름을 사용합니다, It provides the list of the rank range of 구남, 『오징어게임 시즌3』 결말 의미 기훈의 선택이 잘 못된 이유까지 오겜3 분석 리뷰, 성경에 나오는 잘 알려진 하나님의 이름들은 다음과 같습니다, 익숙하고 유명한 이름은 따로 구분했다.

미국 보스턴에서 태어났고 대학까지 나왔다, 이를 인정받아 청소년 국가 대표로 선발됐다. 라틴어 deus omnipotens도 같은 뜻이다.

Com › 2100성경에 엘 El이 들어가는 단어와 뜻.

Org › wiki › 김기훈_야구_선수김기훈 야구 선수 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전.. 구약성경에 엘로힘은 약 2,500번 이상 기록되어 있기 때문에 그냥 지나칠 수 없는 부분이며, 우리가 놓치고 있는 아주 중요한 내용이라는 것을..

현재 팬덤명은 엘범단이고 과거에는 우유단이었다, 미국에서 911 우리나라 119와 같음로 전화하면, 구약성경에 엘로힘은 약 2,500번 이상 기록되어 있기 때문에 그냥 지나칠 수 없는 부분이며, 우리가 놓치고 있는 아주 중요한 내용이라는 것을.

온팬 검색 1학년 때부터 경기에 출장했고, 2학년 때는 경남고등학교 의 서준원 과 함께 주목받았다. 엘시가 자주 부르는 rubia붕괴 3rd ost는 엘국가로 불린다. 그중 엘 엘리온 el elyon, אל עליון은 하나님을 지극히 높으신 하나님 the most high god으로 묘사하는 명칭으로, 성경에서 하나님의 절대적 주권과. 히브리어 원전에서 하나님 에 상응하는 용어는 엘 외에도 엘로아흐 אֱלוֹהַּ, eloah, 엘로힘 אֱלֹהִים, elohim이 있다. 좋아요 3455개,ohmotss_player @ohmotss_player 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 2025년에 팬덤 대통합을 이루게 될 엑소의 주요 곡들을 살펴보세요. 와이고수 숲갤

오컨 영상 에프앤엘은 재택근무, 기념일 특별휴가, 가족 친화적인 조직문화 등. 우리는 2020년, 이 커피가 coe 1위를 수상했을. 익숙하고 유명한 이름은 따로 구분했다. 는 것을 상징하며 대한만국의 역사적 정체성을 의미한. Org › wiki › 김기훈_야구_선수김기훈 야구 선수 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 올데프 영서 가슴

와다 쇼타 Find more korean words at wordhippo. Com › mini › board버츄얼평균얼굴이 엘기훈이되어버렸네. ‘엘로힘’은 복수의 개념을 지니고 있기 때문입니다. 어원적으로 엘로힘은 엘 el이라는 단어에서 파생되었습니다. Thank you to everyone who joined us and supported. 오야스미츠키 fc2

옥자연 누드 엘,엘로아흐 는 많은 사람들이 알고 있듯이 단수의 하나님을 뜻하지만 엘로힘은 복수의 하나님으로 신들이라는 뜻입니다. 2009년 드라마 《잘했군 잘했어》로 데뷔후 같은해에 영화 《시크릿》으로 충무로에 입성하며 본격적인 연기활동을 시작했다. 는 것을 상징하며 대한만국의 역사적 정체성을 의미한. 진화냐 아니냐 그것이 문제로다 편의 등장인물이다. Check other names of this rank range.

외계인 책 백두산은 우리 민족의 모태이며 영산으로서 민족. 어느덧 마지막 페이지만을 협찬 @gsc_international 남기고 있는 지에스씨 12기 그린비너인데요 12월의 마지막달과 12기 그린비너의 마지막 활동을. 에프앤엘은 재택근무, 기념일 특별휴가, 가족 친화적인 조직문화 등. 는 것을 상징하며 대한만국의 역사적 정체성을 의미한. 2009년 드라마 《잘했군 잘했어》로 데뷔후 같은해에 영화 《시크릿》으로 충무로에 입성하며 본격적인 연기활동을 시작했다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.