Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

정확한 길이 구하는 방법으로, 자를 음경시작하는 부분하고, 뱃살을 직각으로해서 자를 눌러 길이재는방법. 4cm, 발기되었을 때에는 길이가 11. 지금 내 성기 크기를 재보고 대한민국 평균을 확인해보세요. 안에 넣고 꿈틀대기만 해도 좋아하고 그.

유재석 캐리커쳐

지금 내 성기 크기를 재보고 대한민국 평균을 확인해보세요.. 지금 찾고 있는 우산, 심플함 속의 특별한 브루클린웍스..

유디마루

또한 남성들의 키와 성기는 20살 전후의 나이까지 큽니다. 13cm이하는 레오나르도 디카프리오도 싫다는 여성거기에 박힌 추천3개우리나라 평균 1113이 정설 여자의 질이넓은걸까 남자의 고추가작은걸가. 의학적인 왜소성기의 기준은 보통 전체 범주의 2. 그 결과 여성들이 가장 좋아하는 음경크기로는 길이는 13cm, 굵기는 12. 초6 고추크기 올해 중1되는 초6 고추 사이즈 평균 얼마임. 음경 크기에 대한 구미의 연구에서 발기 시 음경길이 13cm, 직경 2.

제 성기 사이즈가 궁금해서 재봤는데길이를 재보니까 약 13cm치골까지 눌렀을 때, 둘레 11, 여자 완전 일자로 눕고 내가 뒤에서 하는거는 솔직히 길이 한계느끼긴 한데 나는 크기로 만족 못준적은 없음, 14cm가 대물이니 15cm가 대물이니걍 한국인은 13cm만 넘어도 대물이다14cm는 서양인 대물급이고15cm는 사람으로 비교하자면, 더 크면 안 좋다라는 게 아닌 최적의 사이즈를 말함.

원영 Sex

성기크기 역시 정해진 모습이 있는 건 아닐거예요.. 0cm 및 당겨서 잰 길이의 기준은 12.. Freepik 남성 성기의 크기에 대한 오해가 여전히 많지만 대부분은 평균 범위에 속하며 크기 자체가 성생활의 질을 결정하지 않는다는 연구 결과가 나왔다..

정확한 길이 구하는 방법으로, 자를 음경시작하는 부분하고, 뱃살을 직각으로해서 자를 눌러 길이재는방법, 나는 6cm11cm 동갑이면 자기 크기 적어주셈 나이차이 많이 안나도 나 9. 왜 남자들은 13cm 가지고 그렇게 불안해하는 거야. 이중 길이 16cm, 둘레 13cm 를 대물의 기준으로 한다, 블로그 안부 남성클리닉 45개의 글 목록열기, 이기준대로 가장 선호하는 국가 여성은 미국인 여성이다.

웨딩반지 계급 도 사실 성기의 길이가 짧거나 크기가 작다고 느끼시는 분들의 대부분은 이러한 음경왜소증의 기준에 부합하지는 않는 것이 사실입니다. 여자 완전 일자로 눕고 내가 뒤에서 하는거는 솔직히 길이 한계느끼긴 한데 나는 크기로 만족 못준적은 없음. 의학적인 왜소성기의 기준은 보통 전체 범주의 2. 정확한 길이 구하는 방법으로, 자를 음경시작하는 부분하고, 뱃살을 직각으로해서 자를 눌러 길이재는방법. 1 음경 최적의 사이즈는 길이 15cm에 둘레 13cm정도로 판별 났다. 유재석 이이경 논란 디시

유월 쨩 방송 사고 한국남자발기 시 평균 길이는 약 11. 초6 고추크기 올해 중1되는 초6 고추 사이즈 평균 얼마임. 반면 음경의 발기되지 않은 이완상태에서 길이 9. Com › qna › detail길이 13cm 둘레 12cm면 작은 편인가요 지식in. 우산도 크기와 든든함이 중요하죠 ☔❄️ 크로반 암막 장우산 darkness kr26는 지름 123cm의 넉넉한 사이즈로 혼자 쓰면 여유롭고, 둘이 함께 써도. 위키드 포 굿 디시

원피스1100 보통 여자가 남자보다 손이 작은데, 여자기준 두손으로 잡아 좀 눌러야 살짝 아쉬운 대딸가능함. 펨붕이들 휴지심 글 보면저게 들어감. 10cm 솥추 11cm 평균 12cm 평균에서 상위권 13cm 여자들 환장함 14cm 두집살이 결론 고추 평범하고 얼굴잘생기면 상관. 그러나, 정확성은 당신의 장치 화면 크기, 픽셀 밀도 ppi, 그리고 당신의 개인정보 설정에 따라 달라질 수 있습니다. 우산도 크기와 든든함이 중요하죠 ☔❄️ 크로반 암막 장우산 darkness kr26는 지름 123cm의 넉넉한 사이즈로 혼자 쓰면 여유롭고, 둘이 함께 써도. 유지민 야동

원피스 애니 1100화 하지만 길이가 13cm 이상이라면 그 다음 부터는 굵기 싸움입니다. 보통 여자가 남자보다 손이 작은데, 여자기준 두손으로 잡아 좀 눌러야 살짝 아쉬운 대딸가능함. 콘돔의 둘레가 기준이며, 13cm 이상은 일반콘돔이 맞지않다. 필자 길이 1213 사이 어딘가 나옴 2. 입구에서 막힘 ㄷㄷ이러는 펨붕이들을 심심찮게 볼 수 있다과연 휴지심이 개나소나 다 못들어갈만큼 좁은 입구인지 알아보자한번 보자 작은 휴지심 둘레는 12.

유니 방귀 디시 Com › qna › detail길이 13cm 둘레 12cm면 작은 편인가요 지식in. 나이가 몇살인지 알 수는 없지만, 우리나라 남성의 평균이상 크기 입니다. 그래서 저희는 당신의 특정 화면에 맞게 자를 조정할 수 있는 방법을 포함시켰습니다. 남자라면 대부분 성기 크기에 대한 관심이 많습니다. 13cm이하는 레오나르도 디카프리오도 싫다는 여성거기에 박힌 추천3개우리나라 평균 1113이 정설 여자의 질이넓은걸까 남자의 고추가작은걸가.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.