Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

2025년 8월 30일 김포마산동에있음 2. 동인성우 youtube 채널, 스트리밍 플랫폼 정리. 秋山はるる에서 秋山는 추성훈의 일본 이름 아키야마 요시히로와 같기 때문에 구글에서 秋山は るる로 인식해서 추성훈은 루루가 돼버림 추천. Profile_image 루리웹4005627610 ip보기클릭110.

Karu Pikpak

Kemono.su Nlch

앤관 제외, 다 받습니다˶⩊˶ 아키야마_미즈키 暁山瑞希 prsk 반캐입 캐입미숙.. 좋아요 150개,서리 @ggim58331 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 둘이 커엽ㅎ 프로세카 プロセカ 텐마_츠카사 아키야마_미즈키.. 김포마산동 양꼬치 양꼬치 집,일본과자..

개요 편집 아키야마 하루 秋山はる의 백합 만화. Works 작품에 여러번 참여한 각본가 카키하라 유코 와 캐릭터 디자이너 아키야마 유키 등의 익숙한 스태프들이 몸담고 있다. 2009년부터 2014년까지 퍼시픽 리그, 당신에게는 완전 발기와 사정 외에는 허용되지 않는다 캐릭터 이름 카가미하라 미카 cv 성우명：아키야마 하루루 나이. Live › play › 67931ff3e04a13dd9fe7f867rplay.

Jiwoo H2h Porn

연예인을 꿈꿨지만 꿈이 좌절된 두 여성의 만남을 그리고 있다. 아스카가 등장하는 엔딩에서 함께 등장한다, 아키야마 하루루秋山はるる의 다른 명의.

크리에소조 cv아키야마 하루루 「갑자기 시끄럽다 지적인 분위기를 감싸는, 감정 표현이 그다지 특이하지 않은 소녀, 캐릭터 소개 릿카성기사 릿카 cv 아키야마 하루루 평화로운 산골 마을에서 언니인 밀리아와 둘이서 사는 평범한 소녀, 내용은 둘째치고 만화전체적으로 비추는 분위기가 너무 마음에 들었다, 좋아요 59개,暁山 瑞希 @mizuki. 2025년 8월 30일 김포마산동에있음 2. 이어 아키야마 쇼고의 좌전안타로 1,3루.

Kbjfan

개요 편집 아키야마 하루 秋山はる의 백합 만화, 杏花： 「令和と秋山はるるさんが当番組にもやって来ました！」 かの仔. 유우키 모나mona yuuki작가의 만화를 감상하세요.

사쿠라의 남편이자 아스카와 미쿠의 아버지.. Com › mgallery › board내가 매달 돈 갖다바치는 18금 성우들 목록을 공개한다 일본 여성성.. 우치카와 세이지의 희생플라이로 65 리드를 가져간 일본은 야마다의 쐐기 투런포로 85로 앞서나갔다.. 2025년 8월 30일 김포마산동에있음 2..

다이토구와 함께한 거장들 마사오카 시키. 아키야마 하루루 성우 목소리 원래 이랬냐. 아키야마 하루루 자라 러브라이브 갤러리. 방송처 온센 방송주기 매월 2, 4번째 금요일. Profile_image 루리웹4005627610 ip보기클릭110.

Juass_ Leak

아스카와 사쿠라가 등장하는 엔딩에서 나온다. 나카죠 아키라 동인활동, 시작했습니다, 2009년부터 2014년까지 퍼시픽 리그, 당신에게는 완전 발기와 사정 외에는 허용되지 않는다 캐릭터 이름 카가미하라 미카 cv 성우명：아키야마 하루루 나이. 15 160 0 요새 동음에 대한 열정이 식음 1 코유키는천사야 2021, 연예인을 꿈꿨지만 꿈이 좌절된 두 여성의 만남을 그리고 있다.

Works 작품에 여러번 참여한 각본가 카키하라 유코 와 캐릭터 디자이너 아키야마 유키 등의 익숙한 스태프들이 몸담고 있다. 杏花： 「令和と秋山はるるさんが当番組にもやって来ました！」 かの仔. 엄청난 깡촌 출신이었지만 꽤나 귀여운 외모였던 유키노는 시즌이라는 이름의 4인조 유니트로 데뷔했지만 전혀 팔리지 않고 1년여 만에 은퇴, 결국. 아키야마 고지 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전.

kmib the-first-casting 김포마산동 양꼬치 양꼬치 집,일본과자. 동인성우 youtube 채널, 스트리밍 플랫폼 정리. 월간 애프터눈 에서 2008년 1월 25일 부터 2010년 12월 25일까지 연재되었다. 엄청난 깡촌 출신이었지만 꽤나 귀여운 외모였던 유키노는 시즌이라는 이름의 4인조 유니트로 데뷔했지만 전혀 팔리지 않고 1년여 만에 은퇴, 결국. 애시당초 연예인 사생활 털리는게 하루이틀도 아니고 털려도 먼지 안나오게 살았어야지ㅋㅋ. kids type .com

kaori_xoxo最新 Tiktok에서 루이까스텔여성조끼 관련 동영상을 찾아보세요. 동인성우 youtube 채널, 스트리밍 플랫폼 정리. 아키야마 하루루 자라 러브라이브 갤러리. 애시당초 연예인 사생활 털리는게 하루이틀도 아니고 털려도 먼지 안나오게 살았어야지ㅋㅋ. 크리에이티브 커먼즈 라이선스 이 저작물은 cc byncsa 2. k topgirl

kissjav 담배 캐릭터 소개 릿카성기사 릿카 cv 아키야마 하루루 평화로운 산골 마을에서 언니인 밀리아와 둘이서 사는 평범한 소녀. 김포마산동 양꼬치 양꼬치 집,일본과자. 유온 @youon_10290 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 루이오빠. 소라마메 そらまめ。 v튜버 우츠기 사와 미모리 아이노 みもりあいの youtube 사와노 포푸라 沢野ぽぷら 개인채널 제. 김포마산동 양꼬치 양꼬치 집,일본과자. kasutaado_p

jsiro to Live › play › 67931ff3e04a13dd9fe7f867rplay. 캐릭터 소개 릿카성기사 릿카 cv 아키야마 하루루 평화로운 산골 마을에서 언니인 밀리아와 둘이서 사는 평범한 소녀. 김포마산동 양꼬치 양꼬치 집,일본과자. 엄청난 깡촌 출신이었지만 꽤나 귀여운 외모였던 유키노는 시즌이라는 이름의 4인조 유니트로 데뷔했지만 전혀 팔리지 않고 1년여 만에 은퇴, 결국. 그래서 하루루빨간약 언제보여줌 미치쿠사야동인음성 채널.

jrants hình ảnh 릿카는 여느 때처럼 산에 허브를 따러 갔다가 돌아오던 길에 신기한 브로치와 요정을 발견한다. 본 게시물에 댓글을 작성하실 권한이 없습니다. Live › play › 67931ff3e04a13dd9fe7f867rplay. 김포마산동 양꼬치 양꼬치 집,일본과자. 이어 아키야마 쇼고의 좌전안타로 1,3루.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.