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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

일반 금딸 2주차 개기름 줄어듬 진짜임 여갤러121. 코네 게시글 페이지 복구요청 너와 망가지고 싶은 치기타 씨 다우너계 갸루와 교내 노출 데이트 1차수정1. 금딸중에 자극적인 음식도 딸욕구를 일으킬수 있음. 본인 금딸 2주차까지 후기 금욕 마이너 갤러리.

금딸 2주차 펨붕이 약국왔는데 ㄹㅇ 미치겠다.

성적 환상에 의존하지 않고 살아남을 수 있다는.. 역시나 금딸 2일차 라서 어떠한 개선점이나 효과를 보진 못했습니다.. 금딸 2주차 펨붕이 약국왔는데 ㄹㅇ 미치겠다.. 과거에도 금딸로 꽤 좋은 효과본적이 있었지만..

아마 이때까지 쌓인 피로가 금딸 맞춰서 폭팔한듯.

금딸 2주차 모든 영상과 파일, 사이트 다 지웠사옵니다 하체운동도 다시 빡세게 시작했어요 추천 0 비추천.

그러니 돌 같이 딱딱해진 내 동생 어떨때는 잘 서지도 않던 자지가 이제 불끈, 백수의금딸2주차후기 27 5일차점차 피부가 좋아 지고 피곤한것도 사라졌다 5일이나 참았다는 성취감이 너무좋았다. 저는 금딸,음란물을 보지 않은지 이제 보름이 지났습니다. 건드리기만해도 풀발기 딱딱하고 사이즈도. 지루인거 같아서 연갤관리자 조언듣고 8월 들어오자마자 금딸 시작했다가 2일차에 여친이랑 ㅍㅍㅅㅅ하고 지금까지 금딸하는중이다.

20중반 여자손도 못잡아본 모쏠아다인데. 리빙데드 강한 도파민 자극에 오랜 기간 노출되면 도파민 수용체가 손상되서 부정적인 쪽으로 변화하는건 이미 학술적으로 알려진 사실인데. 그 이유는 바로 도파민이라는 신경전달 물질 때문인데 음란물은 평소에 도파민 수치를 2배이상으로 올려주게 됩니다. 헌데 사람으로 바뀐 모습이 겁나 귀엽고 예쁜 모습인거임. 금딸중에 자극적인 음식도 딸욕구를 일으킬수 있음.

어쩔수없이 5일안에는 쳐야될거같음 아무튼 결론 1. 성적 환상에 의존하지 않고 살아남을 수 있다는, 금딸중에 자극적인 음식도 딸욕구를 일으킬수 있음. 과거에도 금딸로 꽤 좋은 효과본적이 있었지만.

일반 금딸 2주차 개기름 줄어듬 진짜임 여갤러121.

항공샷,, ️ ️ 걸그룹 스테이씨 아이사 바클 바람의나라 클래식 50도사가 파티구합니다. 원래 심심하면 딸쳤음 일주일에 한 다섯번. 걸그룹 1116 르세라핌 김채원 위버스 2 차벤 역주행 후 인도로 도망감, Com › mgallery › board금딸 2주차 후기 + reset 현자타임 마이너 갤러리. 어쩔수없이 5일안에는 쳐야될거같음 아무튼 결론 1. 쓸데없는 근황 얘기는 여기까지 하고 본론으로 들어가겠다.

리빙데드 강한 도파민 자극에 오랜 기간 노출되면 도파민 수용체가 손상되서 부정적인 쪽으로 변화하는건 이미 학술적으로 알려진 사실인데. 시험을 준비하다보니 벌써 14일이란 시간이 지나갔다. 아마 이때까지 쌓인 피로가 금딸 맞춰서 폭팔한듯.

잡담 금딸 2주차 금딸 2주차 이제 서서히 머리털이 덜 빠지는 듯한 느낌적인 느낌이 들기 시작한다.

쓸데없는 근황 얘기는 여기까지 하고 본론으로 들어가겠다.. 공부하는 중간중간에도 자기 전에도 위기는 계속해서 왔었다..

한 일주일에 2,3번 정도가 적당할듯. 역시나 금딸 2일차 라서 어떠한 개선점이나 효과를 보진 못했습니다, 하시더군요 금딸을 한다는 걸 의식도 못해야 진정한 금딸아니겠습니까, 항공샷,, ️ ️ 걸그룹 스테이씨 아이사 바클 바람의나라 클래식 50도사가 파티구합니다, 역시나 금딸 2일차 라서 어떠한 개선점이나 효과를 보진 못했습니다. 금딸 2주차, 도파민 정상화 당신의 인생을 바꾸는 책.

헌데 사람으로 바뀐 모습이 겁나 귀엽고 예쁜 모습인거임. 독학사 2단계 시험이 얼마 안 남았었고, 기타 여러 상황들로 블로그 포스팅은 뒷전이었다. 성적 환상에 의존하지 않고 살아남을 수 있다는, 하시더군요 금딸을 한다는 걸 의식도 못해야 진정한 금딸아니겠습니까 슬퍼지네요. 어쩔수없이 5일안에는 쳐야될거같음 아무튼 결론 1.

20중반 여자손도 못잡아본 모쏠아다인데. 역시나 금딸 2일차 라서 어떠한 개선점이나 효과를 보진 못했습니다. 찐 yy 임신했네 ㄷㄷㄷㄷ 11시 30분까지 댓글 달면 미네랄.

fc2 피자 항공샷,, ️ ️ 걸그룹 스테이씨 아이사 바클 바람의나라 클래식 50도사가 파티구합니다. Com 소승 드디어 내면의 평화의 도달하였소 게시판 이력. 성적 환상에 의존하지 않고 살아남을 수 있다는. Com › kjfkjf_ › 224069834014금딸 2주차 네이버 블로그. 근데 일주일쯤 지나기 시작하니까 피부트러블이 아예 없고 아침에 일어나도 개운하다. fc2-ppv-4519169 女優

fc2-ppv-4332723 금딸, 도파인 단식 14일차 2주차 후기 929 세상 탐험. 시험을 준비하다보니 벌써 14일이란 시간이 지나갔다. 흡연하시는 분들 모두 공감하시겠지만 뭘 하다가도 담배를. 딸치고 싶어서 미치겠고 잠안올때도 있고 너무 힘듬. 근데 일주일쯤 지나기 시작하니까 피부트러블이 아예 없고 아침에 일어나도 개운하다. fc2ppv 3868412 【無垢の新世界】白く輝く美しい、まだ何も知らない君へ。魅惑の純白ロ〇天使。あい１８歳

fc2 신한 역시나 금딸 2일차 라서 어떠한 개선점이나 효과를 보진 못했습니다. 한 일주일에 2,3번 정도가 적당할듯. 다양한 주제에 대한 논의와 정보를 공유하세요. 독학사 2단계 시험이 얼마 안 남았었고, 기타 여러 상황들로 블로그 포스팅은 뒷전이었다. 그 이유는 바로 도파민이라는 신경전달 물질 때문인데 음란물은 평소에 도파민 수치를 2배이상으로 올려주게 됩니다. fc2 vidio

f95zone 나무위키 금딸중에 자극적인 음식도 딸욕구를 일으킬수 있음. 하시더군요 금딸을 한다는 걸 의식도 못해야 진정한 금딸아니겠습니까 슬퍼지네요. 헌데 사람으로 바뀐 모습이 겁나 귀엽고 예쁜 모습인거임. 일반 금딸 2주차 개기름 줄어듬 진짜임 여갤러121. 일반 금딸 2주차 개기름 줄어듬 진짜임 여갤러121.

fc2 mmp-001 그 이유는 바로 도파민이라는 신경전달 물질 때문인데 음란물은 평소에 도파민 수치를 2배이상으로 올려주게 됩니다. 블로그를 시작한 지도, 금딸을 시작한 지도 벌써, 2주가 지났다. 어깨까지 내려오는 푸른색+회색 read more. 금딸중에 자극적인 음식도 딸욕구를 일으킬수 있음. Com › kjfkjf_ › 224069834014금딸 2주차 네이버 블로그.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.