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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

V 트래블월렛의 트래블페이 카드 트월 달러,엔,유로만 100% 2. 공항 라운지 체크카드 많아진 이유 2. 하나머니 앱을 통해 환전하며, 하나은행 계좌가 있다면 가장 접근성이 좋습니다. 해외여행 특화 체크카드로, 우리은행 외화예금 계좌와 직접 연동되어 실시간 현지통화 결제가 가능합니다.

이것도 다른 트래블카드랑 똑같이 해외에서 외화계좌에 돈없어도 결제할때 원화계좌에서 자동으로 환전된다음 결제되나요.. 일정기간 원리금을 연체할 경우, 모든 원리금을 변제할 의무가 발생할 수 있습니다..

환전, 해외결제 수수료 무료 위비트래블 체크카드는 해외여행에 필수인 환전 수수료, 해외결제 수수료가 모두.

우리은행 어플 로딩 해외에서 존나 느림 마트에서 계산하, 1단계 위비트래블 외화예금+체크카드 만들기 먼저 우리은행 앱에서 위비트래블 외화예금과 체크카드를 만들어야 합니다. 트래블 카드 는 외화를 미리 환전해서 보유하고, 수수료 없이 외화로 결제하는 컨셉의 카드입니다. 트래블 체크카드 중 후속 주자로 등장한 우리 카드의 위비트래블 체크카드에 대한 주요 혜택과 장점, 단점에 대해서 총정리해 보도록 하겠습니다, 트래블 카드 는 외화를 미리 환전해서 보유하고, 수수료 없이 외화로 결제하는 컨셉의 카드입니다.

공항 라운지 체크카드 많아진 이유 2.

원화 충전해두면은 해당국가 가서 환율에따라 결제되는거임.. 원화로 환전하는 절차 없이 현지통화로 직접 결제되는 특징이 있습니다.. 알리페이로 결제하려는데 이렇게 뜨면서..

키워드 발급 리볼빙 비밀번호 위비트래블 카드탈회에 따른 연회비, 체크캐시백, 초과입금액 등. Days ago 트래블로그는 해외여행 체크카드 시장을 개척한 선구자입니다. 트래블카드 비교 추천2025년 5월 업데이트 트래블로그. 특히 외화 계좌와 원화 계좌를 동시에 연동하여 사용하는 구조이기 때문에 환율 우대 효과가 극대화됩니다, 개인신용평점 하락 시 금융거래와 관련된 불이익이 발생할 수 있습니다, 원화+외화계좌 모두 지정해야 함, won뱅킹에서 신청 가능sol트래블과 유사 해외 특화카드지만 해외 가맹점 이용액은 전월실적 산정에서 제외.

위비트래블 체크카드의 주요 혜택과 단점을 총정리합니다.

6 전세계 1,300여개 라운지 무료입장 이벤트기간 2024년 6월 10일 2024년 12월 31일 우리은행 위비트래블 체크카드를 해외 현지에서 사용하기 위해서는 사전에 본인의 위비트래블 해외예금 계좌에 해당 해외 국가의 통화를 입금 환전을 미리 진행해야 합니다, 해외 가맹점 수수료 면제와 쿠팡, 스타벅스 캐시백 등 다양한 혜택으로 무장했는데요, 위비트래블 우리은행 트래블카드 체크카드 사용후기 + 유럽. 아마 다들 비슷하겠지만 조금씩 차이가 있기 때문에 자세히 알아볼게요.

해외 이용 시에는 원화환산절차 없이 외화결제계좌에서 해당 현지통화로 인출되고, 국내 이용 시에는 원화결제계좌에서 원화로 인출되는 카드입니다. Com › 우리은행위비트래블카드우리은행 위비트래블 카드 해외서 교통카드로도 가능. 이것도 다른 트래블카드랑 똑같이 해외에서 외화계좌에 돈없어도 결제할때 원화계좌에서 자동으로 환전된다음 결제되나요. Cdprdcd103489 우리카드 카드의정석기본을 새롭게, 기준을 다르게m. 응우옌 광고아니니까 작작쳐지워라 100% 우대되는 트래블 카드들 v비자 m마스타 u유니온페이 은련 1. 공항 라운지 체크카드 많아진 이유 2.

손민우 투신 환전, 해외결제 수수료 무료 위비트래블 체크카드는 해외여행에 필수인 환전 수수료, 해외결제 수수료가 모두. 해외여행 필수 준비물로 거듭난 트래블카드, 우리카드도 를 선보였다. 우선 우리은행 위비트래블 체크카드가 정확히 어떤 카드인지부터 확실히 알고가겠음. 예를 들어 원화 10만원 충전해서 50유로 결제하면은 10만원이 자동으. Com › psy6097 › 2241587195922026 해외여행 체크카드 4종 비교_트래블로그월렛쏠트래블위비 혜. 소추 구닝 트위터

셔트라인 무료 무료보기 질문 우리은행 위비트래블 체크카드 마이너 갤러리. 이미지우리카드 우리카드 사장 박완식는 지난 6월 출시한 해외여행 특화 카드 위비트래블 체크가 다양한 혜택을 제공하고 있다고 20일 밝혔다. 해외 안 가더라도 우선 발급은 트래블카드안 쓸 때는 원화, 해외. ※ 캐시백 및 제외 업종가맹점은 우리카드 전산상 등록 기준이며, 캐시백 금액은 당사 매출표 접수일 승인일로부터 23영업일 이내, 가맹점에 따라 상이에 결제계좌로 입금됩니다 ※ 해외 캐시백 금액은 해당 카드 결제일에 결제계좌로 일괄 입금됩니다. 트래블 카드 는 외화를 미리 환전해서 보유하고, 수수료 없이 외화로 결제하는 컨셉의 카드입니다. 수팔 자위

섹스타그램 원화 충전해두면은 해당국가 가서 환율에따라 결제되는거임. 과연 어떠한 장단점이 있을지 하나하나 살펴볼게요. ※ 캐시백 및 제외 업종가맹점은 우리카드 전산상 등록 기준이며, 캐시백 금액은 당사 매출표 접수일 승인일로부터 23영업일 이내, 가맹점에 따라 상이에 결제계좌로 입금됩니다 ※ 해외 캐시백 금액은 해당 카드 결제일에 결제계좌로 일괄 입금됩니다. 하지만 트래블로그로 시장을 선점한 하나카드가 2024년 8월 출시한 비자 계열의 트래블go와, 무료 환전으로 시장에 파장을. Com › dcmw › yh1우리카드 위비트래블 체크카드. 섹스킹 사이트 디시

소재 현 변호사 디시 하지만 트래블로그로 시장을 선점한 하나카드가 2024년 8월 출시한 비자 계열의 트래블go와, 무료 환전으로 시장에 파장을. 상환능력에 비해 신용카드 사용액이 과도할 경우, 귀하의 개인신용평점이 하락할 수 있습니다. Com › mgallery › board위비트레블 체크카드 체크카드 마이너 갤러리. 외화예금과 체크카드는 어플에서 비대면으로도 만들 수 있습니다. 알리페이로 결제하려는데 이렇게 뜨면서.

소니쇼 갤러리 공항 라운지 체크카드 많아진 이유 2. 이미지우리카드 우리카드 사장 박완식는 지난 6월 출시한 해외여행 특화 카드 위비트래블 체크가 다양한 혜택을 제공하고 있다고 20일 밝혔다. 키워드 발급 리볼빙 비밀번호 위비트래블 카드탈회에 따른 연회비, 체크캐시백, 초과입금액 등. 기존 외화계좌 연결은 불가하고 새 위비트래블체크카드 용 계좌가 필요합니다. 원화 충전해두면은 해당국가 가서 환율에따라 결제되는거임.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.