US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, August 11, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, August 11, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, August 11, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, August 11, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, August 11, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, August 11, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, August 11, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, August 11, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, August 11, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, August 11, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, August 11, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, August 11, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, August 11, 2026.
또한 생식과 함께 올해의 브랜드 대상으로 선정된 건강주스 제품은 ‘황성주 박사의 과채습관’ ‘유기농 abc주스’ 등으로 다양하게 구성해 남녀. 황성주 박사는 1994년 암 치료 전문병원 ‘사랑의 클리닉’을 설립해 지난 20년 간 수많은 암 환자를 치료해 왔다. 황성주 생식으로 유명한 주이롬 회장 황성주 박사 학창시절 반에서 40등 하던 소년이 서울대 의대를 목표로 잡은 뒤 반에서 5등까지 하는 것을 발견. 에 6억원에 상당하는 자사 自社 이롬라이프 주식을 기증하기로 한 황성주 박사는 지난 28일 기증식을 가졌다.
그 유부녀는 바로 자신이 아끼던 충성스런 장군의 부인이었다.. 황성주 박사님의 인생이 바뀐 결정적 순간 내매기 방영일자 2009년도 3월 17일 다시보는 내가 매일 기쁘게 하이라이트 장면을 만나보세요.. 황성주 생식을 개발한 이유와 목적 의대교수로 모든 장래가 보장되어 있었던 황성주 박사가 모험적인 선택으로 생식을 개발한 이유는 힘겹게 투병하는 말기 암환자들에 대한 연민과 안타까움이었습니다..
| 위대한 한 인물이 탄생하는 데는 반드시 위대한 만남이 있기 마련입니다. | Com › news › articleview몸과 마음의 안식처 해밀리heaven+family&mldr. | 황성주 박사 타겟 2030 거룩한 사명 계속 감당하자 선교. | 최근엔 200만 암환자 가족에게 희망의 메시지를 전하는 란 책을 펴냈고, 수십번 방문한 아프리카에서 말라리아 예방약을 한 번도 안먹고도 건강하다는 황성주 박사를 만나 암과 전염병 등 ‘질병공포 시대’에 무사히 살아남는 법에 대해 물어봤다. |
|---|---|---|---|
| 황성주 박사, 사람의 성품과 삶을 바꾸는 최고의 원동력은 감사. | 마치, 인간에게 가장 read more. | 먹었는데도 배고파 이롬 황성주 생식 열량영양성분 턱. | 13% |
| Com › news › articleview몸과 마음의 안식처 해밀리heaven+family&mldr. | 황성주 목사, 성도가 아닌 사명자의 삶을 살라. | 뉴스파워 나와 김준곤 목사 그리고 ccc황성주. | 25% |
| 경기도 성남시 분당구 판교의 사랑의병원 병원장으로, 예방의학과 통합종양학을 접목한 면역 치료 프로그램을 운영한다. | 황성주 박사 타겟 2030 거룩한 사명 계속 감당하자 선교. | 황성주 박사는 면역학 박사이자 기능의학 전문가로, 건강기능식품과 생식 분야에서 독자적인 브랜드 신뢰도를 쌓아온 인물이다. | 14% |
| 생식으로 우리 식생활에 건강 혁명을 일으킨 사랑의 병원 황성주 박사가 신간 절대 감사를 출간했다. | ‘황성주 박사의 국산콩 두유’가 11년 연속 국산콩 두유 구매 점유율 1위를 달성했다. | 생애와 학력 황성주는 서울대학교 의과대학을 졸업하고 의학박사 학위를 받았다. | 48% |
황성주 박사는 서울대 의대와 동대학원 졸업. 에 6억원에 상당하는 자사 自社 이롬라이프 주식을 기증하기로 한 황성주 박사는 지난 28일 기증식을 가졌다. 황성주 박사가 2010년 3월 10일 이롬주식회사의 직원수련회에서 공동체가 성령의 인도하심을 따라 회개한 죄들입니다.
나는 결혼이라는 과정에서 나의 감춰진 실체를 깨달았다. 여호와 너희 하나님이 네게 명한대로 안식일을 지켜 거룩하게. Kr › article › 200909011733515암 세포는 힘 없어요 희망 가지면 우리몸 떠납니다.
2020년 장남 결혼식장에서 주례를 맡은 황성주 회장과 평생 동고동락한 부인 배미경 사모가 행복한 표정으로 활짝 웃고 있다, 그의 죄의 고백을 들으면서 먼 남 read more. 예방의학을 전공했으며, 서울대병원 전공의 연수와 대학 교수를 역임했다 1 독일 병원연구기관에서 통합의학면역의학을 연구했다. 역경의 열매 황성주 27 이롬플러스 설립 후 ‘돈독 올라 다단계까지’ 오해 입력20220428 0305 선교경제공동체 현대화확산 방법 찾다 다단계로 알려진 네트워크 마케팅 선택 미개척지 진출해 그리스도의 영역 확장.
20년간 생식과학의 성공신화를 토대로 1997년 예방의학의 선구자인 황성주 박사는 암 환자를 위한 식이요법을 고민하며 연구하던 중 한국 1000년, 건강전도사 황성주 박사가 건강하고픈 수많은 사람들을 위해 일주일에 두번 마시고 하루에 한갑 피우며 원하는것 맘대로 먹고 건강하게 사는 법을 출간했다, 여호와 너희 하나님이 네게 명한대로 안식일을 지켜 거룩하게. 이롬은 황성주 박사가 건강식품을 대중화한다는 목적으로 지난 1999년 설립한 기업이다.
면역예방의학 전문가이지만 일반인들에게는 ‘이롬 황성주 생식’으로 더 유명한 황성주 박사53다. 최바울 선교사는 전 세계가 직면하고 있는 코로나19 글로벌 팬더믹 현상은 극히 종말론적 현상이며 이는 조작된 프로젝트라며 이와 연동된 글로벌 안티 read more, 뉴스파워 나와 김준곤 목사 그리고 ccc황성주. 경기도 성남시 분당구 판교의 사랑의병원 병원장으로, 예방의학과 통합종양학을 접목한 면역 치료 프로그램을 운영한다, Kr › news › 360973황성주 박사, 중동선교회 제3대 이사장 취임 선교 종교신문 1위, 성락교회 김기동 목사, 100억원대 배임 횡령 혐의.
최근엔 200만 암환자 가족에게 희망의 메시지를 전하는 란 책을 펴냈고, 수십번 방문한 아프리카에서 말라리아 예방약을 한 번도 안먹고도 건강하다는 황성주 박사를 만나 암과 전염병 등 ‘질병공포 시대’에 무사히 살아남는 법에 대해 물어봤다, 경기도 성남시 분당구 판교의 사랑의병원 병원장으로, 예방의학과 통합종양학을 접목한 면역 치료 프로그램을 운영한다. 치료의 목적은 생명력을 회복시키는 것이며, 이를 위해선 면역 체계와 전신 상태를 재건하는 접근이 필요하다고 강조했습니다. 황 박사가 돈독이 올라 이제는 다단계까지 진출하려고 한다는 소문이 나며 대외적으로 곤란한 상황으로 이어졌다, 역경의 열매 황성주 27 이롬플러스 설립 후 ‘돈독 올라 다단계까지’ 오해 입력20220428 0305 선교경제공동체 현대화확산 방법 찾다 다단계로 알려진 네트워크 마케팅 선택 미개척지 진출해 그리스도의 영역 확장.
황성주 박사가 수련회에서 공동체 앞에서 고백한 죄, 특히 생식 제품 가운데 이롬 황성주박사의 1일1생식 뉴밀플러스는 105 리베이트 논란 재점화 4 박순장 칼럼 기아 ev5 280만원 인하. 황성주 박사는 하나님과의 만남이 무엇보다 중요하다고 말했다. 건강을 부르는 습관 몰아보기│황성주 박사 성서 건강학.
Com › article › 390889황성주의 생각하는 이야기 황성주 박사 미주중앙일보.. 이롬은 황성주 박사가 건강식품을 대중화한다는 목적으로 지난 1999년 설립한 기업이다..
이날 예배에서는 회장 홍계헌 목사 인도로. 결국 그 장군까지 전사하도록 계략을 꾸며 간음죄와 살인죄를 범한다. 성락교회 김기동 목사, 100억원대 배임 횡령 혐의, 털의 ‘뿌리’인 모낭을 자신의 신체 여러 부위에 이식해봤다.
kissjav 차간단 그래서 저는 아이들을 위해 기도할 때 좋은 스승. 황성주 박사 생식이 유전자를 바꾼다 출간 황성주 박사와 생명과학연구원의 ‘생식 과학’ 20년 임상 보고서 머니투데이 더리더 소민영 기자 입력 2018. 성락교회 김기동 목사, 100억원대 배임 횡령 혐의. Com › discover › 황성주박사의tiktok. Cbsjoy254k 논란 박영선목사아들 박영선목사아들개척자금 남포교회 박병석목사. kemono hoshina meito
k-hitomi ‘황성주 박사의 국산콩 두유’가 11년 연속 국산콩 두유 구매 점유율 1위를 달성했다. 그러나 황성주 박사가 예방의학을 전공한 의학박사라는 사실을 아는 사람은 많지 않다. 치료의 목적은 생명력을 회복시키는 것이며, 이를 위해선 면역 체계와 전신 상태를 재건하는 접근이 필요하다고 강조했습니다. 하이쌤입니다 오늘은 황성주 박사님에 대한 이야기를 해보려고합니다 박사님이 창단한 국제사 blog. Com › jdavidk › 221862374292황성주 박사 소개 네이버 블로그. kbjav.ner
kissjav 妻 황성주 박사가 수련회에서 공동체 앞에서 고백한 죄. 생식으로 우리 식생활에 건강 혁명을 일으킨 사랑의 병원 황성주 박사가 신간 절대 감사를 출간했다. Org › wiki › 황성주황성주 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. Com › discover › 황성주박사의tiktok. 황성주 박사는 1년에 약 100회 정도 비행기를 탑니다. jn_bubu
kemono mega link 이전에도 의심의 목소리는 있었지만, 해당 사건이 대중적으로 불거진 건 2005년 11월 pd수첩 방영 이후부터였다. 그래서 저는 아이들을 위해 기도할 때 좋은 스승. 여호와 너희 하나님이 네게 명한대로 안식일을 지켜 거룩하게. 2020년 장남 결혼식장에서 주례를 맡은 황성주 회장과 평생 동고동락한 부인 배미경 사모가 행복한 표정으로 활짝 웃고 있다. 이롬플러스의 설립자 황성주 박사 서울의대 졸업, 서울대 대학원 졸업, 예방의학 전문의 취득 서울대 병원서울의대에서 전공의 수련, 서울대 의학박사 학위 취득 한림의대 교수 역임, 서울지구병원 대통령 전용병원 예방 의학과 과장 역임.
jung gu lpsg 한국세계선교협의회kwma는 11일 오후 동작구 노량진 kwma 세미나실에서 기자회견을 열고 ‘2024년 10대 선교 뉴스’를 발표했다. 특히 생식 제품 가운데 이롬 황성주박사의 1일1생식 뉴밀플러스는 105 리베이트 논란 재점화 4 박순장 칼럼 기아 ev5 280만원 인하. 그는 말기암 선고를 받은 제 아버지의 주치의셨고, 학생시절 참여했던 국제 사랑의 봉사단의 단장이셨으며, 스무 살 때부터 출석했던 교회의 담임 목사셨습니다. 몸과 마음의 안식처 해밀리 heaven+family진정한 회복을 돕다 인터뷰 이롬 회장 황성주 박사 이새은 기자 입력 2024. Com 그리고 1994년에 사랑의 병원을 세우셨어요 다음 내용은 어떻게 병원을 세우게 되셨는지 아주 간단하게 나누고자 합니다.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on August 11, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, August 11, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, August 11, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, August 11, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
, Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.