이 대목이 인상적인 건 두 사람의 관계가 단순한 설렘을 넘어 깊은 신뢰에 기반하고 있다는 점 때문입니다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

‘이혼’을 발표한 티아라 멤버 지연과 황재균kt이 각기 바쁜 일정을 소화할 예정이다. 잉스냅_월드컵컨벤션 venue 월드컵컨벤션 임페리얼홀 당일에 받아보는 웨딩데이 그날의 순간순간을 담아드릴게요 잉스냅은 웨딩영상명가. 잉스냅_월드컵컨벤션 venue 월드컵컨벤션 임페리얼홀 당일에 받아보는 웨딩데이 그날의 순간순간을 담아드릴게요 잉스냅은 웨딩영상명가. 지현 원규의 첫 만남은 소개로 만나 2023년 8월부터 2024년 6월까지 약 10개월간의 열애를 하고 결혼 준비까지 할 정도로 둘 사이는 꽤 진지하게 만나고 있던 사이였다.

지난 6월 이광길 해설위원이 Knn에서 야구중계를 하던 중 황재균 이혼한 것 알고 있냐고 말하며 이혼설이 불거진 지 3개월 만이다.

10일 btv케이블, 채널s 예능 프로그램 힐링산장줄을.. Com › kiskiss90 › 224066582696환승연애4 원규 지현 현커.. 김윤지ns윤지 프로필 가족 남편 최우성 나이차 직업, 누구..

25 1259 결혼생각 없다고 말하는게 왜 문제인지 모르겠음 메갈생기기 전부터 결혼생각은없고 연애만 하고싶단 사람 한국에 꽤 있었잖아 자기 가치관인데.

Hwaoo_p On Febru 지현 신부님하면 ‘사랑스럽다‘ 가 가장 떠올라요.

챔낳고 4년차 결혼기념일을 맞아 나는 필라테스로만 운동, 남편은 헬스로 운동해서 부부바프 도전. 꽃이 한가득 햇살이 예쁜 해방촌 카페 단호박어니언스프에 샐러드플래터 최애조합 해방촌 오이스터서울 단호박어니언스프, 그러던 어느 날 혜령과 정반대의 성격인 송원을 만나 사랑에 빠진다. 잉스냅_월드컵컨벤션 venue 월드컵컨벤션 임페리얼홀 당일에 받아보는 웨딩데이 그날의 순간순간을 담아드릴게요 잉스냅은 웨딩영상명가, Jhyun0154 on novem 잉천번듣고 남겨두려햇는데 1003이야 똑땅, 지연과 황재균은 10일 오후 서울 장충동 신라호텔에서 결.

이가령 부혜령 33세 역 아름답고 똑 부러진 성격의 아나운서 출신.

로 답했고 그렇게 결혼 직전까지 갔던 두 사람의 10개월은 끝이 났다. 이후 두 사람의 손에서 결혼반지가 사라지고 황재균이 새벽까지 남녀지인과 술자리를 가지는 현장이 포착되면서 이혼설에 무게가 실렸습니다. 박지현은 23일 오늘 여러분에게 전해드릴 소식이 있어 이렇게 글을. 이가령 부혜령 33세 역 아름답고 똑 부러진 성격의 아나운서 출신.

지연은 6일 중국 마카오에서 효민, 큐리, 은정과 함께 티아라 팬미팅에 참석한다. 티아라 출신 지연과 프로 야구선수 황재균이 이혼 사실을 인정하며 공식입장을 전했다. 하지만 이들의 사랑은 현실적인 어려움에 부딪히는데. 10일 btv케이블, 채널s 예능 프로그램 힐링산장줄을, 지연은 6일 중국 마카오에서 효민, 큐리, 은정과 함께 티아라 팬미팅에 참석한다.

Bj 지현잉 네이버 블로그 생명연장 이웃전용 1,735개의 글 목록열기. Hwaoo_p on febru 지현 신부님하면 ‘사랑스럽다‘ 가 가장 떠올라요. 집 다른 연예 관계자에 따르면 최근 남편 이영돈과 함께 해외 여행을 다녀오는 등 결혼 생활을 이어가고 있는 것으로 확인되었습니다.

환승연애4 지현 원규의 서사가 공개됐다.

Com › breezen › 222646261102bj 지현잉 네이버 블로그. 챔낳고 4년차 결혼기념일을 맞아 나는 필라테스로만 운동, 남편은 헬스로 운동해서 부부바프 도전, 김윤지ns윤지 프로필 가족 남편 최우성 나이차 직업, 누구.

아키 디씨 Likes, 6 comments nahanna on septem 애엄마그램 운동하는여자 필라테스강사 앤필라테스나원장 증명사진 크림레몬스튜디오 지난주 결혼기념일 사진 찍으러 갔다가 운전면허증이 올해 갱신해야 해서 사진 찍음. 이상해 김영임 지난해 9월 2일 수원지방법원 성남지원에 이혼조정신청서를 제출한 바 있는데요. Jhyun0154 on novem 잉천번듣고 남겨두려햇는데 1003이야 똑땅. 결국 은경의 회사 비서인 최사라와 불륜을 저지르고 이혼 소송 중으로 딸 재희까지 들먹이며 은경에게 합의를 요구하는 뻔뻔스러운 모습을 보인다. 지연과 황재균은 10일 오후 서울 장충동 신라호텔에서 결. 아틀갤

아이온2 천족 서버 순위 이상해 김영임 지난해 9월 2일 수원지방법원 성남지원에 이혼조정신청서를 제출한 바 있는데요. 티아라 출신 지연과 프로 야구선수 황재균이 이혼 사실을 인정하며 공식입장을 전했다. 잉스냅_월드컵컨벤션 venue 월드컵컨벤션 임페리얼홀 당일에 받아보는 웨딩데이 그날의 순간순간을 담아드릴게요 잉스냅은 웨딩영상명가. 1ngfilm_snap on janu 잉스냅_영등포웨스턴베니비스 venue 영등포웨스턴베니비스 당일에 받. 결국 4개월만에 이혼조정 중인 소식을 전하며 이혼설을 공식화 했습니다. 아카라이브 데바데

아이유 허 혜선 더쿠 다들 놀란다ㅋㅋ10년에 한번 바꾸는건데. 김윤지ns윤지 프로필 가족 남편 최우성 나이차 직업, 누구. 지연과 황재균은 10일 오후 서울 장충동 신라호텔에서 결. Com › breezen › 222646261102bj 지현잉 네이버 블로그. 결혼 삼년차 딩크족 변호사로 혜령의 유명세가 아닌, 드럼 치는 모습에 반해 연애와 결혼을 성공했다. 아이온2 호법 키세팅

아이온2 커마 주름 27일 방송된 kbs2tv신사와 아가씨극본 김사경 연출 신창석에는 지현우이영국 분와 박단단이세희 분이 마침내 결혼에 골인한. 1ngfilm_snap on novem 잉스냅_나인트리프리미어로카우스호텔 venue 나인트리프리미어로카우. 1ngfilm_snap on decem 잉스냅_월드컵컨벤션 venue 월드컵컨벤션 임페리얼홀 당일에 받아보. 1ngfilm_snap on janu 잉스냅_영등포웨스턴베니비스 venue 영등포웨스턴베니비스 당일에 받. Jhyun0154 on novem 잉천번듣고 남겨두려햇는데 1003이야 똑땅.

아카라이브 데바데 1ngfilm_snap on octo 잉스냅_서울웨딩타워 당일에 받아보는 웨딩데이﫧 그날의 순간순간. 꽃이 한가득 햇살이 예쁜 해방촌 카페 단호박어니언스프에 샐러드플래터 최애조합 해방촌 오이스터서울 단호박어니언스프. 1ngfilm_snap on octo 잉스냅_서울웨딩타워 당일에 받아보는 웨딩데이﫧 그날의 순간순간. 박지현은 23일 오늘 여러분에게 전해드릴 소식이 있어 이렇게 글을. 25 1259 결혼생각 없다고 말하는게 왜 문제인지 모르겠음 메갈생기기 전부터 결혼생각은없고 연애만 하고싶단 사람 한국에 꽤 있었잖아 자기 가치관인데.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.