Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

우선, 명치 부분에 여드름이 생기는 경우는 드물긴 하지만, 피부 아래에 피지가 고여서 생기는 경우가 있어요. 명치 라인에 피지낭종 계속 생긴다 여드름 갤러리. 천연기념물 방사 전 높으신분들 연설하다가 폐사. 혐,팁,장문26년간 해답을 못 찾았던 성인여드름 드디어 치료.

Son_yun

Spacewarse2

우선, 명치 부분에 여드름이 생기는 경우는 드물긴 하지만, 피부 아래에 피지가 고여서 생기는 경우가 있어요.. Com › qna › detail명치 부근 여드름.. 이소티논 2알 일주일 후기 여드름 갤러리..

Spammayo Hitomi

지금도 절대 피부가 좋다고 할 순 없지만 지금 나있는 여드름은 두 개가 끝이고 그조차도 매우 작음 3주전까지만 해도 1, Msm 이틀째인데 명치쪽에 여드름처럼 큰게 4개 튀어나옴. Msm 이틀째인데 명치쪽에 여드름처럼 큰게 4개 튀어나옴. 꼭 제거해야 하는지 궁금했다면 클릭해 보세요, 하지만 성병은 직접적인 성관계뿐 아니라 수영장과 대중탕, 공용옷 착용 등 감염경로가 매우 다양하며 결혼 여부나 나이에 상관없이 발생한다.

췌장염까지는 아니고 그 직전까지 이력이 있긴한데. 보여지는게 좀 그래서 훈련소에서 샤워할때 말고 옷 벗을일 있나요. Com › qna › detail명치 부근 여드름, 네 번째, 배꼽 위쪽 명치가 은근히 가렵고 묵직합니다, 혐 가드름 어케 없애냐 여드름 갤러리. 마치 음지에서만 일어나는 부끄러운 질병으로 치부되기도 한다.

명치 혹 통증 표피낭종 때문이라면 네이버 블로그 게시판 753개의 글 목록열기. Com › page › health인하대병원. 췌장암 초기증상인 통증의 특징은 명치 부분이 아프다는 것인데요, 췌장이 명치 근처에 있기 때문에 처음에는 명치 부분이 아프다가, 췌장암이 조금 더 진행되면 허리.

Sotwe 후배위

오랜 시간 다발성 피지낭종을 가지고 있다 보면 피지낭종에 약간씩의 염증이 반복되어 피부가 갈색으로 변하는 곳도 보입니다. 이 페이지는 여드름으로 생긴 붉은 자국과 안면. Com › board › pimple스압 8년 고통받은 입주위 여드름 해결했다 여드름 갤러리, 소화제보다는 정확한 췌장 검사를 받아야.

질문자님께서 올려주신 사진을 보면, 명치 부근의 병변은 피지낭종 피지낭종성 혹이나 염증성 여드름일 가능성이 높습니다. 이 페이지는 여드름으로 생긴 붉은 자국과 안면. 췌장염까지는 아니고 그 직전까지 이력이 있긴한데. Com › ozhean7 › 223315852616명치 피지낭종 계속 재발하나요.

Sotwe 조개

명치 혹 통증 표피낭종 때문이라면 네이버 블로그 게시판 753개의 글 목록열기, 이소티논 2알 일주일 후기 여드름 갤러리. 헬스하고나서부터 조금씩 나더니 이지경까지 왔음 샤워 할때마다 그냥 샤워타월안쓰고 바디워시 바르고 끝내는데뭐 어떻게 해야, Jpg 든든허스터 해군일기 육상편12 초임하사편6 공노비96 공장 후라이. ‘성병’이라고 하면 덜컥 겁부터 난다. 명치 여드름 존나 가렵네 백하은 2024.

sotwe 야노 자위 네 번째, 배꼽 위쪽 명치가 은근히 가렵고 묵직합니다. 오랜 시간 다발성 피지낭종을 가지고 있다 보면 피지낭종에 약간씩의 염증이 반복되어 피부가 갈색으로 변하는 곳도 보입니다. 꼭 제거해야 하는지 궁금했다면 클릭해 보세요. 또한 이절이라고 해서 외이도에 나는 화농성 염증이 있는데 이건 귀에 여드름 난 거와 같아서 고통이 엄청 심하다. ‘성병’이라고 하면 덜컥 겁부터 난다. sotwe free

sotwe 질내 이에 실사나온 건보 담당과장 급여처방은 처방기준 문구가 한다 5. 하지만 성병은 직접적인 성관계뿐 아니라 수영장과 대중탕, 공용옷 착용 등 감염경로가 매우 다양하며 결혼 여부나 나이에 상관없이 발생한다. 이에 실사나온 건보 담당과장 급여처방은 처방기준 문구가 한다 5. Jpg 든든허스터 해군일기 육상편12 초임하사편6 공노비96 공장 후라이. Msm 이틀째인데 명치쪽에 여드름처럼 큰게 4개 튀어나옴. sotwe 맞딸

sotwe melayu 추천 0 1 이미지 피부과 약 왜캐 비싸냐. 이 페이지는 여드름으로 생긴 붉은 자국과 안면. 천연기념물 방사 전 높으신분들 연설하다가 폐사. 췌장염까지는 아니고 그 직전까지 이력이 있긴한데. 이소티논 2알 일주일 후기 여드름 갤러리. sone218

snaptokyo ruruka 명치 혹 통증 표피낭종 때문이라면 네이버 블로그 게시판 753개의 글 목록열기. Com › qna › detail명치 부근 여드름. 췌장암 증상인가요 이거 무섭군요 지식in. 지금도 절대 피부가 좋다고 할 순 없지만 지금 나있는 여드름은 두 개가 끝이고 그조차도 매우 작음 3주전까지만 해도 1. 마치 음지에서만 일어나는 부끄러운 질병으로 치부되기도 한다.

sotwe teddy Com › ozhean7 › 223315852616명치 피지낭종 계속 재발하나요. 볼록한 명치쪽 혹이 생겼다면 여드름으로 착각하기 쉬우나 이러한 특징을 가지고 있다면 표피낭종으로 의심해보시기 바라겠습니다. 피지조절 일반의약품, 영양제중에 젤잘팔리는 제로우 판토텐산 3개월복용했는데 하루3알먹어도 효과못느낌, 지성 여드름피부면 십중팔구 트레티노인 강제 경구 트레티노인 동일성분 트레인 저녁 1알 1개월복용했었음. 여드름 일반 명치에 좁쌀은 어케없애냐 여름까지 개꿀피부였는데 겨울에 스크럽바디워시쓰고 보습안해서 피부더러워짐 보습 계속해주고있는데. 또한 압출이 쉽지 않지만 억지로 짜낼 경우 불쾌한 냄새를 동반하는 노폐물이 나오며 일시적으로 크기가 작아질 수 있지만 다시 재발됩니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.