Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

겸상금지 로마&폼페이 대항해시대 갤러리. 독일의 치안독일의 치안 독일은 기본적으로 치안이 매우 양호한 편이지만 관광지에서 늘 발생할 수 있는 불상사를 예방하기 위한 주의사항을 정리한다. 실제 이탈리아 로마의 치안상황에 대해 말씀드리려고 합니다. Com 테르미니역치안 테르미니치안 로마치안 테르미니역소매치기 테르미니역노숙자 로마소매치기 도난방지스트랩 유럽치안 이탈리아치안 이탈리아여행시주의사항 이탈리아여행 로마여행 이탈리아로마 이탈리아로마여행 인쇄.

딜도 발코니있는 호텔

라이 키 공유 사이트 디시

일단 한국인들 후기 좋으면 괜찮은 거 아닐까 테르미니역 말고 다른 안전하다는 곳들은 다 매진.. 아주 큰 도시의 주요 기차역이라서, 통근자와 관광객들이 지나다니는 주변에 보통 모여드는 사기꾼, 좀도둑, 노숙자 등등의 흔한 무리들이 있어요.. 그 이유는 악명 높은 소매치기 때문이었다..

레제 알몸씬

제가 여행 전에 걱정이 너무도 많아서 로마 치안상황에 대한 자료를 여기저기에서 접하다. 오늘은 이탈리아 로마와 피렌체의 치안에 대해 소개하려고 합니다. 그동안의 너무 자극적이고 과도한 영상과 글들로 인해서 속았다는 느낌을 받은 것은 사실입니다.

물론 치안 관련해서는 케바케라는 생각도 어느 정도는 가지고 있으나 실제와는 너무 다른 블로그, 카페, 유튜브 속의 글과 영상들을 접하면서 제가 본 현실들을 전달해야 되겠다는 생각을 했습니다.. 로마 테르미니 지역이 그렇게 안 좋은가요..

야간에도 번화하고 활기찬 분위기이며 치안도 좋은 편입니다 하지만 비용이 비싼 편이고 공항이나 다른 도시로 이동할때 테르미니역까지 가야하는 번거로움이. 오스트리아, 헝가리, 체코슬로바키아를 통일하고 유고슬라비아와 루마니아를 무찌르고 본래의 영토까지 획득해내고 나면 디시전이 열려 오헝의 땅을 모조리 핵심 주로 편입, Com › 51로마 구역 별 치안, 군인, 여권검사 등 총정리로마 가는 사람들은 꼭. 댓글 5 해외여행 정보 18개의 글 목록열기. 무료 무선 인터넷, 콘시어지 서비스, 자판기. 로마에서 강도 당했다 여행유럽 갤러리.

레전드 아동 로마 도착하고 유심끝나서 유심사는데 직원이 여기 한국인 가방열고 털어가고 폰같은것도 들고간다고 자물쇠랑 지퍼안에 넣고 다니라고 하더라 직원이 이정도까지 말하는거면 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 주변에 흑인이랑 인도쪽사람 겁나많고 노려봄 막와서 마리화나 살래. 다만, 관광객이 많아 소매치기가 자주 발생하니 소지품 관리에 각별히 신경 써야 합니다. 겸상금지 로마&폼페이 대항해시대 갤러리. 이탈리아 피렌체 치안과 저녁 밤 시간대 거리 모습 로마, 나폴리 치안 비교 네이버 블로그 전체보기 175개의 글 목록열기. 일단 한국인들 후기 좋으면 괜찮은 거 아닐까 테르미니역 말고 다른 안전하다는 곳들은 다 매진. 똥게이

라이브 kissjav Com › 51로마 구역 별 치안, 군인, 여권검사 등 총정리로마 가는 사람들은 꼭. 이탈리아 피렌체 치안과 저녁 밤 시간대 거리 모습 로마, 나폴리 치안 비교 네이버 블로그 전체보기 175개의 글 목록열기. 로마는 워낙 관광지의 느낌이 강해서 그런지 어딜. 겸상금지 로마&폼페이 대항해시대 갤러리. 로마에서 강도 당했다 여행유럽 갤러리. 레제편 논란

래제 이탈리아 로마 치안은 최근 매우 좋아졌다. 아주 큰 도시의 주요 기차역이라서, 통근자와 관광객들이 지나다니는 주변에 보통 모여드는 사기꾼, 좀도둑, 노숙자 등등의 흔한 무리들이 있어요. we are all muse 세계 여행 18개의 글 목록열기. Com › stuckupfox › 223623170711로마 테르미니역 치안, 소매치기 당할뻔 했던 경험, 주의사항 공유. 무료 무선 인터넷, 콘시어지 서비스, 자판기. 라이즈 호텔 오사카 난바

래티봇 레전드 오랜만에 휴가가 일주일정도 생겨서 로마나 가보려고 했는데 여기애들 글 보면 로마에서 죄다 안좋은일 겪은 애들만 모여있냐. Com › 51로마 구역 별 치안, 군인, 여권검사 등 총정리로마 가는 사람들은 꼭. Com › 51로마 구역 별 치안, 군인, 여권검사 등 총정리로마 가는 사람들은 꼭. 파리에서만 한달있었었는데 파리도 워낙 소매치기 집시 테러등 말이많아서 걱정햇는데 아무일도 없었다 오히려 사람들이 존나씹친절했던 기억이. 2022년 7월에 여행을 갔고, 여자 2명 자유여행이었습니다.

레제 마키마 속옷씬 로마 도착하고 유심끝나서 유심사는데 직원이 여기 한국인 가방열고 털어가고 폰같은것도 들고간다고 자물쇠랑 지퍼안에 넣고 다니라고 하더라 직원이 이정도까지 말하는거면 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 주변에 흑인이랑 인도쪽사람 겁나많고 노려봄 막와서 마리화나 살래. 테르미니 역 스타호텔 메트로폴 로마테르미니 역. 하지만 2021년 미얀마 쿠데타 등으로 인하여 현재 이 나라의 분위기가 상당히 험악해져 잦은 시위를 비롯한 군부와 국민들의 무력충돌이 발생하고 있어 치안 상황이 좋지 못하므로 방문을 가급적 자제하는 것이 좋다. 8시 이후에도 밖에 사람들이 엄청 많고, 보통 그 시간에 저녁을 먹잖아요. 로마는 관광객을 대상으로 하는 폭력 범죄가 거의 없어요.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.