Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

빨간약 시로가네 노엘은 전생에 카난かなん이라는 이름의 유튜버였으며, 현재도 활동중이다. 2024년 7월 카도카와 해킹 사건을 통해 시로가네 노엘과 동일인임이 확정되었다. 카난으로 자기보고 단장이랬다가 키보드 부순적 있음. 이틀전에 홀로 유입했는데 노엘 실체 알게된뒤로 기운이 없다.

연도별 Av배우

카난 유튜브는 주로 asmr 영상을 올리는데, 큰 가슴의 썸네일이 대단하다 근데 카난.. 노엘이라고 홀로라이브 소속 유트브 계정임..

여공남수 품번

카난 l컵 젖까고 asmr로 떼돈벌어들임 운영자 251024 공지 토이 갤러리 이용 안내525 운영자 06. Bekfcddlprve4@noel ch. 카난으로 자기보고 단장이랬다가 키보드 부순적 있음.

홀로라이브 시로가네 노엘 白銀ノエル 전생안쪽 사람 정보, 근데 본인 계정방송할때 자기 이름 카난이라고 해야하는데 노엘이라고 말실수 해서 저러는거 ㅋㅋ. 団長とうとう？ ノエルミルクの日syoutu.

여캐 야짤

Com › bbs › qb_humor버튜버 대참사 유머게시판 퀘이사존 quasarzone, 1k 1108 추천 제목 닉네임 조회수 날짜 2 2003년 7월 18일 고시원에서 고시 준비하던 40살 고시생 근황 2 himmelslicht 246 16. 카난 l컵 젖까고 asmr로 떼돈벌어들임 운영자 251024 공지 토이 갤러리 이용 안내525 운영자 06, 시로가네 노엘은 음치로 알려져 있고, 카난 또한 본격적으로 유튜버로 활동하기 전 니코니코에서 노래를 부르던 영상이 남아 있는데 지독한 음치다, 이대로 카난루트 타면 맛있을거같음이 두 가지가 중첩된 상태임너를 보면 화나, Asmr 머기업이라 그쪽 수익도 무시 못함ㅋㅋ 1.

7k 1108 공지 유머게시판 특별 규정 21. 노엘방송도 잘 하고 있어서 아무런 문제가 없지 만지구미가 방송인하고 다른계정으로 자위방송이나 하고있었으면 문제지만, 1 홀로라이브 3기생 뇌근육 여기사 팬덤명은 시로가네 기사단 단원 2 가슴이 큰걸로 유명하다 가슴을 만지는데 모델링. 빨간약 시로가네 노엘은 전생에 카난かなん이라는 이름의 유튜버였으며, 현재도 활동중이다, 2016년, 유머 게시판 재미, 웃김, 감동, 공감 모든 공지사항 확인하기 공지 퀘이사존 전체 게시판 공통 규정 22.

여자 엉덩이 슈퍼챗 순위 1위는 루시아나 코코 이런 애들만 봐서 다른 애들은 잘 모르겠네. 카난으로 자기보고 단장이랬다가 키보드 부순적 있음. 白銀ノエル 시로가네노엘 단장 방송사고 홀로라이브. 카난 유튜브는 주로 asmr 영상을 올리는데, 큰 가슴의 썸네일이 대단하다 근데 카난. 요금제가 최하 월결제 5천엔부터 시작하는데 카난 채널 가입자 10만2천 넘겼다고 함. 여자친구 혼전순결 디시

여캠 리액션 매운맛 Com › bbs › qb_humor버튜버 대참사 유머게시판 퀘이사존 quasarzone. 2024년 7월 카도카와 해킹 사건을 통해 시로가네 노엘과 동일인임이 확정되었다. 카난 l컵 젖까고 asmr로 떼돈벌어들임 운영자 251024 공지 토이 갤러리 이용 안내525 운영자 06. 근데 본인 계정방송할때 자기 이름 카난이라고 해야하는데 노엘이라고 말실수 해서 저러는거 ㅋㅋ. Com › bbs › qb_humor버튜버 대참사 유머게시판 퀘이사존 quasarzone. 여공남수 sotwe

예리 bj 본체의 가슴이 너무 커서 아바타의 가슴을 못 만지는 상황이 발생. 09년인가 어디서 본거같은데 막상 쓰려니 기억이 안나네 옛날에 방송 남은거 있는데 그때도 노래 존나 못부르더라고 아무튼 진짜 니코동 틀딱 들은 카난을 비롯한 여러 빨간약들을 잘 알텐데 난 그건 아니라 패스. 슈퍼챗 순위 1위는 루시아나 코코 이런 애들만 봐서 다른 애들은 잘 모르겠네. Com › bbs › qb_humor버튜버 대참사 유머게시판 퀘이사존 quasarzone. 카난 유튜브는 주로 asmr 영상을 올리는데, 큰 가슴의 썸네일이 대단하다 근데 카난. 여군숙소자위

오구라 유흥 안에 있는 사람이 자케 모델링보다 더커서 손이 뜸. 2016년, 유머 게시판 재미, 웃김, 감동, 공감 모든 공지사항 확인하기 공지 퀘이사존 전체 게시판 공통 규정 22. 카난 유튜브는 주로 asmr 영상을 올리는데, 큰 가슴의 썸네일이 대단하다 근데 카난. Com › mgallery › board이틀전에 홀로 유입했는데 노엘 실체 알게된뒤로 기운이 없다 병신장. 홀로라이브 3기생 시로가네 노엘白銀ノエル의 전생 사진, 실물실제 얼굴, 나이 등의 안사람 정보를 모아봤다.

오나서포 일본어 2024년 7월 카도카와 해킹 사건을 통해 시로가네 노엘과 동일인임이 확정되었다. 안에 있는 사람이 자케 모델링보다 더커서 손이 뜸. 노엘방송도 잘 하고 있어서 아무런 문제가 없지 만지구미가 방송인하고 다른계정으로 자위방송이나 하고있었으면 문제지만. 2024년 7월 카도카와 해킹 사건을 통해 시로가네 노엘과 동일인임이 확정되었다. Com › bbs › qb_humor버튜버 대참사 유머게시판 퀘이사존 quasarzone.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.