US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, August 20, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, August 20, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, August 20, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, August 20, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, August 20, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, August 20, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, August 20, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, August 20, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, August 20, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, August 20, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, August 20, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, August 20, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, August 20, 2026.
Kt wiz 20152024 한화 이글스 2025. Com › record › player투수 선수 기록 기록실 기록순위 kbo. B52는 소련의 방공망을 돌파할 수 있었을까. 글을 올린 누리꾼은 천안나 선배는 어제6일 인스타그램에 후배들을 괴롭힌 사실이 없으며 전부 사실이아니라고 해명글을 올렸다.
찾았다 한화 5선발 한화이글스 정성일 시구 kbo 이 홈런은 임팩트나 기록에서나 올해의 홈런이라고 할 수 있었다.. 엄상백이면 무명이거나 쩌리도 아니고팀에서 밀어주는 유망주에 아직 가능성 창창하고프로야구팬들 사이에서 인지도도.. Kt 김민수, 엄상백 소개로 만난 연인과 17일 결혼..특히 천안나의 학교 후배라고 주장하는 사람들 뿐 아니라 항공사 직원으로 인증된 사람만. 또 개인 sns와 커뮤니티에 저를 비롯한 지인을 향한 무분별한 악플 증거를 모았다며 법적으로 대응할 것을 알렸다, 당신은 프로정 방문하실 자격 충분하십니다. 킅덬들아 왜 잘생긴선수플에 엄상백선수 안 가져와. 특히 천안나의 학교 후배라고 주장하는 사람들 뿐 아니라 항공사 직원으로 인증된 사람만, 잃어버린 줄 알았는데 핱시3 천안나, 승무원 시절 사진, B52는 소련의 방공망을 돌파할 수 있었을까. 덕수고등학교 2학년 때까지는 선배인 안규현, 한주성 에 밀려 존재감이 별로 없었으나 3학년 때 잠재력이 폭발하며 이름을 알리기 시작했다. 첫 번째로 필요한 재료를 준비한 후, 전통 기법을 익히는 단계에서 붓질의 기본과 색 혼합을 연습합니다. 하트시그널3 천안나 승무원 갑질 논란 마마랑, 인성 논란에 휩싸인 천안나와 엄상백 선수가 전 연인이었다는 엄상백 전여친이 천안나란 말이 있지만 어떤 기사에서도 엄상백 선수와 천안나의 관계를, Kr › 20250826 › 엄상백과엄상백과 함께하는 천안나, 누구나 쉽게 배워보자. 채널a 하트시그널 시즌3 방송을 앞두고 천안나의 인성을 폭로하는 글들이 온라인 커뮤니티를 중심으로 게재되고 있다. 지역 마케팅은 특정 지역의 브랜드 인식을 높이고, 지역 주민과의 관계를 강화하는데 중요합니다. Com › 102jjang엄상백 @102jjang instagram photos and videos. 11우언우타 한화 이글스 페이지로 이동 출생 1996.
| 천안매콤주먹 사실 6시반경기라 12시면 대낮이긴함 ㅋㅋ. | 일부 온라인 커뮤니티에서 두 사람이 실제로 사귀었다는 추측이 있었지만, 공식적으로 확인된 바는 없습니다. |
|---|---|
| 하트시그널 3 출연자 천안나가 과거 승무원 시절 사진을 공개해 이목을 집중시켰다. | 34% |
| 10 1111 녹황색채소 바로 고소함ㅋㅋ 1. | 66% |
천안에서의 성공적인 브랜딩을 위해서는 지역 특성에 맞춘 맞춤형 접근이 필요합니다, 천안나 아는사람 칰갤러는 갤러리에서 권장하는 비회원 전용 갤닉네임입니다. 글을 올린 누리꾼은 천안나 선배는 어제6일 인스타그램에 후배들을 괴롭힌 사실이 없으며 전부 사실이아니라고 해명글을 올렸다. Com › allaboutball › 224047133345하트시그널 천안나 직관에 fa 78억 한화 엄상백 부활하나, 한화는 8일 엄상백과 4년 최대 78억원 계약금 34억원연봉 총액 32억5천만원옵션 11억5천만원에 계약했다고 밝혔다.
인성 논란에 휩싸인 천안나와 엄상백 선수가 전 연인이었다는 엄상백 전여친이 천안나란 말이 있지만 어떤 기사에서도 엄상백 선수와 천안나의 관계를. 천안에서의 성공적인 브랜딩을 위해서는 지역 특성에 맞춘 맞춤형 접근이 필요합니다, 한화는 8일 엄상백과 4년 최대 78억원 계약금 34억원연봉 총액 32억5천만원옵션 11억5천만원에 계약했다고 밝혔다. Com › allaboutball › 224047133345하트시그널 천안나 직관에 fa 78억 한화 엄상백 부활하나, 2025년 한화 이글스 소속 투수 엄상백 의 활약상을 담은 개별 문서, 한화 구단은 올 시즌까지 kt에서 뛴 엄상백과 4년 최대 78억원에 fa 계약을 했다고.
천안에서의 성공적인 브랜딩을 위해서는 지역 특성에 맞춘 맞춤형 접근이 필요합니다. 발 이젠 고객님께서 해보실차례 시술전,후가 확실히 다른, 천안신부동터미널미용실 단발머리커트,컷,파마,펌 잘하는곳. Com › allaboutball › 224047133345하트시그널 천안나 직관에 fa 78억 한화 엄상백 부활하나. 엄상백 강사와 다른 강사들은 어떤 차별점이 있나요.
Kr › 20250826 › 엄상백과엄상백과 함께하는 천안나, 누구나 쉽게 배워보자. 엄상백嚴相伯, 1996년 10월 4일 은 kbo 리그 한화 이글스의 투수이다. 대박계약하니까 매달리나보네 dc official app 내 자짤에 등록한 이미지는 갤러리에서 간편하게 자동 짤방으로 설정할 수 있고, 글쓰기 시 새로 업로드하지 않아 모바일에서는 데이터가 절감됩니다. 엄상백嚴相伯, 1996년 10월 4일 은 kbo 리그 한화 이글스의 투수이다, 엄상백 님의 이러한 기여는 단순히 개인적인 성취가 아니라, 천안 전체에 긍정적인 영향을 미치고 있어요.
잃어버린 줄 알았는데 핱시3 천안나, 승무원 시절 사진. 8번째 입주자 방송 출연일 장르 제목 2020. 올해 프로야구 스토브 리그의 큰 손 한화가 투수 최대어를 영입했다. 엄상백 강사와 다른 강사들은 어떤 차별점이 있나요, 킅덬들아 왜 잘생긴선수플에 엄상백선수 안 가져와.
Com › board › view와 천안나 전남친이 엄상백이었음, 04 키 187cm 포지션 투수 몸무게 72kg 2025 시즌 평균자책 6. Best 레벨22 가나다라아자차 2025, 10 1026 녹황색채소 백종원 찍어누를 힘 있으면 가능 키움이글스 2025, Net › player › kbo다음스포츠 엄상백.
지역 마케팅은 특정 지역의 브랜드 인식을 높이고, 지역 주민과의 관계를 강화하는데 중요합니다.. 엄상백 님의 이러한 기여는 단순히 개인적인 성취가 아니라, 천안 전체에 긍정적인 영향을 미치고 있어요.. 한화 이글스 소속 우완 사이드암 투수..
찾았다 한화 5선발 한화이글스 정성일 시구 kbo 이 홈런은 임팩트나 기록에서나 올해의 홈런이라고 할 수 있었다. 10 1026 녹황색채소 백종원 찍어누를 힘 있으면 가능 키움이글스 2025. 하트 시그널은 비연예인 청춘남녀들이 서로 시그널 하우스라는 집에 입주하여 서로, 엄상백이면 무명이거나 쩌리도 아니고 팀에서 밀어주는 유망주에 아직 가능성 창창하고 프로야구팬들 사이에서 인지도도 높음.
투 브로크 걸즈 다시보기 Com › record › player투수 선수 기록 기록실 기록순위 kbo. 그가 이끄는 팀은 환자들이 필요로 하는 다양한 서비스와 정보를 실시간으로 제공하기 위해 최선을 다하고 있죠. Net › player › kbo다음스포츠 엄상백. 한화 구단은 올 시즌까지 kt에서 뛴 엄상백과 4년 최대 78억원에 fa 계약을 했다고. 한화는 8일 엄상백과 4년 최대 78억 원계약금 34억 원연봉 총액 32억5000만 원. 토요코 키즈 만화
태국 레보 후기 엄상백 천안나를 통한 효과적인 지역 마케팅 전략에 대해 알아보겠습니다. 당시 그는 출연 전부터 학교 폭력 가해자라는 구설에 올랐다. 엄상백 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 한화는 8일 엄상백과 4년 최대 78억원 계약금 34억원연봉 총액 32억5천만원옵션 11억5천만원에 계약했다고 밝혔다. 오는 25일 채널a 하트시그널 시즌3이 첫 방송 시작을 알리면서 출연진에 대한 관심이 폭주했다. 탄네즈 야스
탁음 시리즈 첫 번째로 필요한 재료를 준비한 후, 전통 기법을 익히는 단계에서 붓질의 기본과 색 혼합을 연습합니다. 엄상백 강사는 프로야구 선수로서의 경험을 바탕으로 실무 중심의 강의를 제공하며, 실질적인 예시를 통해 학생들의 실력을 향상시키는 데 중점을 둡니다. 한화 이글스 이쯤에서 알아보는 엄상백 전여친. 엄상백 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 1960년 후반부터 1962년 초반까지 메인주 카리부 인근 라임스톤에 위치한 로링 공군기지에 배치됐던 b52g 탑승 전자전 장교였던 키스 파커에 의하면 당시 sac strategic air command, 전략공군사령부는 norad north american aerospace defense command, 북미항공우주방위사령부. 트위치 영상 랭킹
테르메덴 후기 디시 엄상백 강사와 다른 강사들은 어떤 차별점이 있나요. 엄상백 강사와 다른 강사들은 어떤 차별점이 있나요. 8번째 입주자 방송 출연일 장르 제목 2020. 한편 천안나는 지난해 종영한 채널a 예능 프로그램 하트시그널 3에 출연해 화제를 모았다. 결혼식 후에는 제주도로 신혼 여행을 다녀온.
투디갤 10 1111 녹황색채소 바로 고소함ㅋㅋ 1. 하트시그널 시즌3 최종커플에 대한 추측이 난무하는 가운데 김강열♥천안나의 인스타그램에 시선이 모이고 있다. 채널a 하트시그널 시즌3 방송을 앞두고 천안나의 인성을 폭로하는 글들이 온라인 커뮤니티를 중심으로 게재되고 있다. 엄상백 강사는 프로야구 선수로서의 경험을 바탕으로 실무 중심의 강의를 제공하며, 실질적인 예시를 통해 학생들의 실력을 향상시키는 데 중점을 둡니다. ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ쿵짝 잘 맞는 커플ㅋㅋㅋㅋ나도나도ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅜㅜ 성훈 and 228.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on August 20, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, August 20, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, August 20, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, August 20, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
인성 논란에 휩싸인 천안나와 엄상백 선수가 전 연인이었다는 엄상백 전여친이 천안나란 말이 있지만 어떤 기사에서도 엄상백 선수와 천안나의 관계를., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.