Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

구미연합뉴스 박재천기자 팀이 해체된 lg투자증권 씨름단이 2004구미천하장사씨름대회를 끝으로 역사속으로 사라짐에 따라 졸지에 실업자가 된. 일본 종합격투기 k1 진출의사를 피력한 최홍만이 13일 오후 경기도 구리시 lg씨름단 숙소에서 기자회견 도중 차경만 lg감독오른쪽이 k1 진출을 만류하자 어색한 표정을 짓고 있다. 농성 해제로 대회가 무산되는 최악의 상황을 피했지만 집단 진단서 제출로 결국 파행 운영이 불가피해진 것. 네이버 블로그 감독 5개의 글 목록열기.

뉴 비니 피자 니니

Kr › news › pc최홍만차경만 사제지간 뜨거운 포옹.. 📺 오늘은 ‘테크노 골리앗’ 최홍만을 만든 차경만 감독님의 씨름 인생을 담아봤습니다.. 0557478110 copyright ⓒ 매일경제.. 결국 감독님께 혼나고 삐진 거인 최홍만ㄷㄷ 인간극장 테크노 골리앗 최홍만 4부 040226 인간극장 4부 풀버전 👉 syoutu..

더쿠 Av

Com › news › articleview최홍만, 차경만 씨름감독과 눈물의 포옹. 0557478110 copyright ⓒ 매일경제, 씨름최홍만 k1진출싸고 차경만 감독과 면담. 차경만씨 전 lg씨름단 감독 부친상27일 진주의료원, 발인 29일 오전 8시. 처녀출전 최홍만 k1챔피언 등극 파란 최홍만 아케보노 이긴것이 가장 기분좋아 최홍만, 차경만 씨름감독과 눈물의 포옹 싱잉볼로 힐링한. Kr › article › 200201221956441차경만코치 lg증권씨름단 감독승진.

닌닌 실물 디시

연애와 감정이 얽힌 순간들을 담았습니다. 최홍만 아케보노 이긴것 가장 기분좋아 최홍만, 차경만 씨름감독과 눈물의 포옹 3월 19일 열렸던 최홍만과 와카쇼요와의 토너먼트 4번째, 스포츠라운지 사재털어 선수단운영 차경만 전 lg씨름단 감독, 소년장사 백승일 등 해체된 lg투자증권 소속 멤버 14명은 4일 연고지였던. 차경만 전 lg씨름단 감독은 사회자인 성석윤 사무국장을 향해 보조금 횡령 혐의로 기소돼 500만원 벌금형을 받은 사람이 무슨 자격으로 서 있냐고 비판한 뒤 회의장 밖으로 쫓겨났다. Com › watch결국 감독님께 혼나고 삐진 거인 최홍만ㄷㄷ 인간극장 테크노 골리앗.

니나 마리 다니엘 화보 지난 2004년 12월 해체된 lg씨름단의 사령탑이었던 차경만50 감독이 한국의 전통 스포츠 씨름을 전세계에 보급하는 씨름 전도사로서 역할을 톡톡히. 차경만 전 lg씨름단 감독은 사회자인 성석윤 사무국장을 향해 보조금 횡령 혐의로 기소돼 500만원 벌금형을 받은 사람이 무슨 자격으로 서 있냐고 비판한 뒤 회의장 밖으로 쫓겨났다. `2004 설날장사 씨름` 결승전에서 설날장사에 등극한 최홍만이 금. 가는 길이 서로 달라졌어도 사제시간의 정은 뜨거웠다. 차경만 lg증권 감독이준희 신창건설 감독김칠규 현대중공업 감독왼쪽 둘째부터 시계방향으로 등 3개 씨름단 감독과 연맹 관계자들이 17일 오후 서울 장충동 장충체육관 내 한국씨름연맹 사무실에 모여 비상대책회 의를 하고 있다. 대정령

니이즈마 유카 missav 연애와 감정이 얽힌 순간들을 담았습니다. 심판위원장은 최홍만을 비롯해 숱한 스타들을 키워낸 차경만 전 lg씨름단 감독이다. 서울신구국민학교 졸업 신사중학교 졸업 현대고등학교 졸업 서울예술전문대학 연극과 전문학사. Com › watch결국 감독님께 혼나고 삐진 거인 최홍만ㄷㄷ 인간극장 테크노 골리앗. 지난 2004년 12월 해체된 lg씨름단의 사령탑이었던 차경만 50 감독이 한국의 전통 스포츠 씨름을 전세계에 보급하는 씨름 전도사로서 역할을. 다코타 존슨 섹스

니키 니와 야마모토 서울신구국민학교 졸업 신사중학교 졸업 현대고등학교 졸업 서울예술전문대학 연극과 전문학사. 심판위원장은 최홍만을 비롯해 숱한 스타들을 키워낸 차경만 전 lg씨름단 감독이다. 네이버 블로그 감독 5개의 글 목록열기. Kr › article › 200201221956441차경만코치 lg증권씨름단 감독승진. 전 lg투자증권씨름단 차경만 감독이 k1 서울대회에서 최홍만의 우승이 결정되고 링. 눈누난나 라방

눈누난나 라방 심판위원장은 최홍만을 비롯해 숱한 스타들을 키워낸 차경만 전 lg씨름단 감독이다. 가는 길이 서로 달라졌어도 사제시간의 정은 뜨거웠다. Com › news › articleview국제 씨름전도사로 변신한 차경만 감독 인디. 전 lg투자증권씨름단 차경만 감독이 k1 서울대회에서 최홍만의 우승이 결정되고 링. 전 lg투자증권씨름단 차경만 감독이 k1 서울대회에서 최홍만의 우승이 결정되고 링.

다음은 영상표시단말기를 사용하는 사무환경 관리에서 유해위험요인에 대한 설명이다. 거리가 먼 것은 웹드라마 픽고에서 첫키스의 설렘을 느껴보세요. Com › news › articleview최홍만, 차경만 씨름감독과 눈물의 포옹. 미래의 미래 권나연김동현차경은최종회 앞두고 강렬 네. 지난 2004년 12월 해체된 lg씨름단의 사령탑이었던 차경만 50 감독이 한국의 전통 스포츠 씨름을 전세계에 보급하는 씨름 전도사로서 역할을. Kr › news › pc최홍만차경만 사제지간 뜨거운 포옹.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.