그랬던 레즈 친구는 10년 가량 사귀던 언니와 결혼식을 한다고.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

이번 호에서는 정치, 노동, 지역, 돌봄, 국제결혼, 성소수자, 건강, 스포츠 등 다양한 의제들 속 여성 뉴스들을 모아 전해드립니다. 동성 임신으로 시선을 모았던 김규진32김세연35 부부가 딸 ‘라니태명’를 낳았다. 김규진32씨가 지난 2019년 동성 연인 김세연35씨와 미국 뉴욕에서 정식 부부가 된 후 임신, 딸 ‘라니’태명을 출산했다. 동성 간에 이뤄진 결혼식에 대한 내용은 고대시대부터 여러 문화권에 기록된.

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김규진씨는 30일 자신의 sns에 오출완. 그런 가운데 레즈비언임을 당당하게 밝히고, 결혼식장 예약을 도와준 담당 디렉터는 상담 내내 우리의 결혼이 더 특별하고 더 아름다울 거라고 말했다.

Editor’s letter 안녕하세요.. 검색창에 ‘한겨레 h730’을 쳐보세요.. 동성 임신으로 시선을 모았던 김규진32김세연35 부부가 딸 ‘라니태명’를 낳았다..

국내에서 처음으로 레즈비언 커플의 임신 사실을 알렸던 김규진 씨와 김세연 씨 부부가 건강한 딸을 출산했다. 솔로였던 레즈 친구에게 우리 30살까지 솔로면 같이 결혼이나 하자 장난치며 놀았다. 규진씨는 30일 자신의 사회관계망서비스sns에 ‘엄지 척’ 사진과 함께 엄마 1일차라는 메시지를 올려 출산 소식을 알렸다, 3월 태국 동성결혼 합법화 법안이 하원을 통과했고, 일본 고등법원에선 동성결혼을 인정하지 않는 것은 위헌이라는 판결이 나왔어요.

하지만 막상 이 결혼이라는 것에 대해 정말로 진지하게 생각해본적은 없었어요. 저는 report edition으로 인사드리는 에디터 오진달래입니다. 4월 26일은 ‘레즈비언 가시화의 날’, 이성애 중심 사회에서 차별받고 박탈된 레즈비언의 실존과 역사를 기리는 날이다. 공부도 잘해, 성장하면서 점점 더 두각을 드러냈다.

Kuzu_v0 166

29살, 31살의 직장인 레즈비언 커플입니다. 일반적인 부부면 몰라도 우리 부부에게는 상상도 못 한 일이었다, 중 1 과정부터 다시 시작했지만 수학과 과학에서는 곧바로 우수한 성적을 드러냈다.

Swappz singles 아르테미시아 러브, 베카 블레어 미래의 결혼 생활을 구하기 위해 시댁 식구들과 관계를 맺었어요 시댁 식구 swappz 스페셜 해외 포르노 2026년 1월 30일.. 결혼 2년 차 레즈비언 부부, 아내가 두 명이면 안되나요.. 국내 첫 레즈비언 부부인 김규진32김세연35씨의 딸 라니태명가 태어난 것이다..

Korean Toilet Voyeur

내 성 정체성에 대해 계속 의문이 들어. 여자친구나 애인 등 혼동을 주는 호칭보다는 확실하게 우리의 관계를 표현할 호칭이 필요했고, 동성 배우자에게 사용함으로써 의미를 확장하고 싶은 욕심도 있었다, 저는 report edition으로 인사드리는 에디터 오진달래입니다. 김규진씨는 30일 자신의 sns에 오출완, 뉴욕 치즈케이크 투썸, 레즈커플 티빙, 그 퀴어는 어쩌다 결혼을 결심하게 되었을까.

이 관계는 직접 관계에 돌입하기 전까진 모른다, 임신 8개월 레즈비언 부부도 나섰다그냥 결혼이야. 레즈비언 커뮤니티에서 유부 레즈는 레즈비언이지만 남자랑 결혼한 사람들을 부르는 단어일 정도로, 여자끼리의 혼인은 불가능의 영역으로 존재하고, 안녕 얘들아, 내 파트너랑 나랑 미래에 결혼할까 생각 중이야 야호. 이 퍼포먼스는 국제앰네스티가 추진하는 혼인평등 운동 캠페인인 그냥 결혼이야의 일환이다, Kr › news › articleview레즈비언 커플이 결혼식 열고 100명 앞에서 커밍아웃한 이유.

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3월 태국 동성결혼 합법화 법안이 하원을 통과했고, 일본 고등법원에선 동성결혼을 인정하지 않는 것은 위헌이라는 판결이 나왔어요, 이 관계는 직접 관계에 돌입하기 전까진 모른다, Com › news › read임신 8개월 레즈비언 부부도 나섰다그냥 결혼이야 한국일보.

중 1 과정부터 다시 시작했지만 수학과 과학에서는 곧바로 우수한 성적을 드러냈다. 자녀 출산이 합법적으로 인정될 수 있을지, 손정혜 변호사와. 누군가를 사귀면 얘랑 결혼해야지라는 돌이켜보면 끔찍한 생각을 했었고, 헤어질 땐 얘랑은 결혼 못하겠다는 마음으로 관계를 정리했었습니다. 지금의 내 예비신부, 내 반려자를 만나기 전까지는 레즈비언으로 살아가면서 ‘나도 결혼 하고 싶다’ ‘결혼을 할 수 있을까.

Kpop Idol Ai Porn

김규진김세연씨 부부와 킴백팩씨 커플이 동성 부부, 레즈비언으로 태어났지만 항상 결혼을 하고 싶었습니다. @ここやん제작된 오리지널 사운드 트랙 ここやん. Kr › news › articleview레즈비언 커플이 결혼식 열고 100명 앞에서 커밍아웃한 이유. 누군가를 사귀면 얘랑 결혼해야지라는 돌이켜보면 끔찍한 생각을 했었고, 헤어질 땐 얘랑은 결혼 못하겠다는 마음으로 관계를 정리했었습니다, 10년 사귀고 결혼해도 이혼하기도 하고요.

korean gay erome 2kg의 작고 소중한 생명이 세상에 찾아왔다. 자녀 출산이 합법적으로 인정될 수 있을지, 손정혜 변호사와. 사랑하는 사람과 함께한 특별한 순간을 공유합니다. 김규진김세연씨 부부와 킴백팩씨 커플이 동성 부부. 만난 지 4년, 동거한 지 2년인 저희 커플은 무게감 있게 서로 아끼고 사랑하며 가족으로서 살고 있습니다. korea 1818.com

koreanxxx 김규진 씨의 책 언니, 나랑 결혼할래요. 나도 여자친구를 만나고 거의 100일째부터 결혼 이야기. 뉴욕 치즈케이크 투썸, 레즈커플 티빙. 결혼식장 예약을 도와준 담당 디렉터는 상담 내내 우리의 결혼이 더 특별하고 더 아름다울 거라고 말했다. 국내에서 처음으로 임신 사실을 공개한 레즈비언 부부인 김규진31김세연. kuzu 25

kpop demon hunters 히토미 여자친구나 애인 등 혼동을 주는 호칭보다는 확실하게 우리의 관계를 표현할 호칭이 필요했고, 동성 배우자에게 사용함으로써 의미를 확장하고 싶은 욕심도 있었다. 우리 부부는 다가올 결혼 1주년 기념일에 혼인신고를 하러 구청에 갈 생각이다. 결혼 계획부터 장소까지 모두 함께 해요. Kr › news › articleview레즈비언 커플이 결혼식 열고 100명 앞에서 커밍아웃한 이유. 두 사람은 미국 뉴욕에서 혼인신고를 하고 정식 부부가 된 후 한국에서 결혼식을 올렸는데요. korea bj gif

kpop deepfake porn picture 저는 레즈비언이고 고등학생 때부터 여자만 만나왔어요. 나는 ‘레즈 가정’을 이루기까지 여러 호칭을 시도하다가 아내를 ‘아내’라 부르기로 했다. 2000년대 초반까지만 해도 동성애와 동성결혼은 한국에서 반대에 부딪히는 정도가 아니라 제대로 가시화. 김규진31씨가 동그랗게 부른 자신의 배를. Com › news › read임신 8개월 레즈비언 부부도 나섰다그냥 결혼이야 한국일보.

kuzu 인스타 임신 8개월 레즈비언 부부도 나섰다그냥 결혼이야. 국내 첫 레즈비언 부부인 김규진 씨와 김세연 씨가 딸을 출산했습니다. 동성 결혼은 인정하지 않는 국내에서 동성 부부의 사회보장제도상 권리는 인정한 첫 판례다. 동성 임신으로 시선을 모았던 김규진32김세연35 부부가 딸 ‘라니태명’를 낳았다. 에는 그가 아내 김세진 씨와 미국에서 동성결혼 혼인신고를 하는 과정이 담겨있습니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.