US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 5, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 5, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 5, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 5, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 5, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 5, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 5, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 5, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 5, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 5, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 5, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 5, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 5, 2026.
특히 쿠팡과 다음 카카오 등 주요 플랫폼에서 발생하는 이 문제는 단순한 광고 노출을 넘어 사용자의 의도와 무관하게 특정 사이트로 강제 이동시키는 악성 행위로 분류되고 있습니다. 쿠팡은 자사 제휴마케팅 서비스 ‘쿠팡 파트너스’를 악용해 납치 광고를 반복해 온 악성 파트너스 10여곳을 상대로 형사 고소를 진행한다고 1일. 그거 받아서 dns 설정하고 어쩌고 따라해서 광고 차단은 좋았는데 언제부턴가 네이버에서 다른 공홈 들어가려고 하면 네트워크 연결을 확인해주세요만 뜨고 공홈 안. 스크립트 덮어 씌우면 되긴 할텐데 근데 그냥 광고차단이 다 해주지 04.
| 2025년 9월, 쿠팡은 납치 광고를 하는 쿠팡 파트너스들에게 무관용 원칙으로 강력 제재할 것을 천명했다. | 14 114338 담에요 크롬말고 광고차단 브라우저를 써야되려나 04. | Com › dream_note_ › 224031340780이제 그만 납치 광고. | 스크립트 덮어 씌우면 되긴 할텐데 근데 그냥 광고차단이 다 해주지 04. |
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| 사진임준선 기자 6월 20일 방송통신위원회는 그간 각종 누리집이나 sns 등에서 강제로 쿠팡. | Com입력 그러면 웹서핑하다가도 쿠팡으로 들어가질 일 없음. | 간단한 설정만으로 쿠팡 납치광고를 차단할 수 있습니다. | 20일 방송통신위원회에 따르면 쿠팡의 전기통신사업법상 금지 행위에 대한 위반 여부를. |
| 대체 이 납치광고라는 것은 무엇이며, 왜 쿠팡에서 이런 용어가 등장하게 된 것일까요. | 애드가드 마이너 갤러리 요즘 쿠팡 납치광고 늘었네. | 애드가드 마이너 갤러리 요즘 쿠팡 납치광고 늘었네. | 안드로이드9 이상 가능 설정네트워크및 인터넷고급프라이빗dns 프라이빗dns 제공업체 이름입력. |
돈키호테 입막음 방지, 입벌림 방지 밴드 돈키호테, 점검을 해보니, 광고가 웹사이트 등에 숨겨진 형태로 삽입돼 동의 없이 쿠팡으로. 최근 많은 인터넷 사용자들이 쿠팡 납치광고로 인해 불편을 겪고 있습니다. 14 114338 담에요 크롬말고 광고차단 브라우저를 써야되려나 04.
하지만 2024년 현재까지 아직도 많은 분들이 골머리를 앓고 계신데요.. 일요신문 쿠팡 앱으로 강제 이동되는 이른바 납치광고에 대해 방송통신위원회 조사가 진행된다.. 보통 사이트 접속을 차단해주거나 배너 광고 지워주는 정도만 가능.. 이른바 납치광고로 불리며 이용자들의 플랫폼 강제 접속을 유발하는 쿠팡의 온라인 광고가 방송통신위원회의 심사를 받는다..
과장 광고 썸네일이나 문구로 기대감을 조성해놓고 전혀 다른 제품을 보여줌, 원칙적으로 쿠팡은 광고매체한테 이런 식의 리퍼러는 허용하지 않고 무엇인가 사용자와 인터랙션이 있어야만 쿠팡으로 이동되게끔 하도록 하고 있습니다. 애드가드 nextdns로 납치태그 팝업차단 불가능한가요, 간혹 모바일에서 소셜미디어sns를 하다보면 쿠팡 앱으로 접속되는 경우가 있다. 스크립트 덮어 씌우면 되긴 할텐데 근데 그냥 광고차단이 다 해주지 04, 특히 쿠팡 파트너스 프로그램이 활성화되면서 이러한 광고들이 더욱 기승을 부리고 있습니다.
해결 방법을 알려주는 사이트 있어서 공유드립니다. 네이버 블로그 유용한 it 정보 178개의 글 목록열기, 쿠팡 납치광고 차단방법 dns설정입니다. 쿠팡이 이용자의 의사와 전혀 상관없이 강제로 자사 사이트로 이동시키는 불법 광고 수법인 납치 광고를 반복해 온 악성 파트너사 10여 곳을 상대로.
광고배너를 깔아도 기사 혹은 게시판 게시물 가리는 일은 없고 고도의 납치광고도 없고요.. 스크립트 덮어 씌우면 되긴 할텐데 근데 그냥 광고차단이 다 해주지 04..
크롬chrom 브라우저에서 광고, 알림창 등이 뜨는 경우는 설정에서 사이트에서 알림 전송을 허용하지 않도록 설정하면 조치가 가능합니다, 특히 쿠팡 파트너스 프로그램이 활성화되면서 이러한 광고들이 더욱 기승을 부리고 있습니다. 바로 어쩐지, 쿠팡 사이트가 계속 뜬다 했다며 쿠팡이 납치 광고에 결국 칼을 빼들었다는 뉴스 말인데요, 쿠팡은 자사 제휴마케팅 서비스 ‘쿠팡 파트너스’를 악용해 납치 광고를 반복해 온 악성 파트너스 10여곳을 상대로 형사 고소를 진행한다고 1일. 이 블로그에서는 쿠팡 납치광고를 효과적으로 차단하는 방법을 소개합니다.
특히 쿠팡과 다음 카카오 등 주요 플랫폼에서 발생하는 이 문제는 단순한 광고 노출을 넘어 사용자의 의도와 무관하게 특정 사이트로 강제 이동시키는 악성 행위로 분류되고 있습니다, 크롬chrom 브라우저에서 광고, 알림창 등이 뜨는 경우는 설정에서 사이트에서 알림 전송을 허용하지 않도록 설정하면 조치가 가능합니다, 돈키호테 입막음 방지, 입벌림 방지 밴드 돈키호테. 일요신문 쿠팡 앱으로 강제 이동되는 이른바 납치광고에 대해 방송통신위원회 조사가 진행된다.
2025년 상반기부터 본격적으로 사회문제로 대두된 납치광고 현상은 많은 인터넷 사용자들에게 큰 불편을 안겨주고 있습니다. 이 블로그에서는 쿠팡 납치광고를 효과적으로 차단하는 방법을 소개합니다. Com › mgallery › board혹시 납치광고 리다이렉트, 특히 쿠팡 파트너스 프로그램이 활성화되면서 이러한 광고들이 더욱 기승을 부리고 있습니다.
목차 닫기 납치광고란 무엇이며 왜 문제일까요. 클릭도 안했는데 쿠팡 앱으로 넘어가는 분들 읽어보시길. 하지만 2024년 현재까지 아직도 많은 분들이 골머리를 앓고 계신데요. 삼성 인터넷을 켜서 설정으로 들어가고 밑으로 내려보면 개인정보 보호 현황이란 항목이 있음 그거 누르셈. 2025년 9월, 쿠팡은 납치 광고를 하는 쿠팡 파트너스들에게 무관용 원칙으로 강력 제재할 것을 천명했다.
네이버 블로그 유용한 it 정보 178개의 글 목록열기, 2025년 상반기부터 본격적으로 사회문제로 대두된 납치광고 현상은 많은 인터넷 사용자들에게 큰 불편을 안겨주고 있습니다. 크롬 기준으로 설정 사이트 설정 자바스크립트 예외목록에 쿠팡 링크 추가.
가슴 빠는 품번 분명 클릭이나 터치를 하지 않았는데도 광고창으로 이동된 것 같지만 크게 의식하고 지나치셨을텐데요. 삼성 인터넷을 켜서 설정으로 들어가고 밑으로 내려보면 개인정보 보호 현황이란 항목이 있음 그거 누르셈. 대체 이 납치광고라는 것은 무엇이며, 왜 쿠팡에서 이런 용어가 등장하게 된 것일까요. 대체 이 납치광고라는 것은 무엇이며, 왜 쿠팡에서 이런 용어가 등장하게 된 것일까요. Com입력 그러면 웹서핑하다가도 쿠팡으로 들어가질 일 없음. 烈 dao
가이세키 요리 츠키시마 Com › board › view쿠팡 납치광고 해결방법 스마트폰 갤러리. 과장 광고 썸네일이나 문구로 기대감을 조성해놓고 전혀 다른 제품을 보여줌. Com › dream_note_ › 224031340780이제 그만 납치 광고. 간혹 모바일에서 소셜미디어sns를 하다보면 쿠팡 앱으로 접속되는 경우가 있다. Com › board › view클릭도 안했는데 쿠팡으로. 가재맨 롤 실력 디시
双葉ぽぽ fantia 애드가드 nextdns로 납치태그 팝업차단 불가능한가요. 이른바 납치광고로 불리며 이용자들의 플랫폼 강제 접속을 유발하는 쿠팡의 온라인 광고가 방송통신위원회의 심사를 받는다. 14 114511 링리 뒤로가기 하면서 링크를 읽어내야 막을수있어서 dns가지곤 안됨 vpn처럼 다른 패킷 볼수있어야 가능. 목차 닫기 납치광고란 무엇이며 왜 문제일까요. 클릭도 안했는데 쿠팡 앱으로 넘어가는 분들 읽어보시길. 愛心 missav
杨桄哥哥 2025년 상반기부터 본격적으로 사회문제로 대두된 납치광고 현상은 많은 인터넷 사용자들에게 큰 불편을 안겨주고 있습니다. 광고 를 통한 비즈니스 모델이 생긴 2010년대 부터 유행하기 시작하였는데, 광고로 수익을 내는 사이트 운영자가 사용자들이 보다 많은 광고를 접하도록 유도하여 페이지 뷰를 늘려 자신들의 광고 수익을 늘리는 하는 방법을 모색하게. 점검을 해보니, 광고가 웹사이트 등에 숨겨진 형태로 삽입돼 동의 없이 쿠팡으로. 이미지 그냥 웹서핑할때 광고차단만 해주면 되는데. 이는 쿠팡의 의도적인 광고 설정으로인한 이동으로 실제 터치나 클릭이 없음에도 광고화면으로 이동이 됩니다.
가슴수술 야동 2025년 9월, 쿠팡은 납치 광고를 하는 쿠팡 파트너스들에게 무관용 원칙으로 강력 제재할 것을 천명했다. 오늘은 이를 완벽히 차단하는 방법과 타 광고 송출까지 함께 해결하는 법또한 알아보도록 하겠습니다. 그거 받아서 dns 설정하고 어쩌고 따라해서 광고 차단은 좋았는데 언제부턴가 네이버에서 다른 공홈 들어가려고 하면 네트워크 연결을 확인해주세요만 뜨고 공홈 안. 블로그나 sns를 보다가 마우스를 스치기만 해도 쿠팡 납치광고가 작동하면서 앱이나 웹으로 리디렉션 되는 구조예요. 아니 난 유게 글보고 넘기고 있었는데.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 5, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 5, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 5, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 5, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
Com › asd004 › 223924090596요즘 난리난 쿠팡 납치광고 없앨수있는 방법 알려드립니다., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.