대구 구 동네별로서 모아보고 대구토박이로서 평가함.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

임금수준만큼 물가가 싸기 때문에 결국 똔똔이에요 서울부자들이 고시원 같은데 사는 홍콩부자 느낌이라면 대구부자들은 대저택 사는 농부 느낌이랄까. ㄹㅇ 해운대 대구는 빌라 주택도 잡혀서 평단내려치기인데 송도저긴 아파트차력쇼로도 못이기네. Com › 8087430412대구 동성로면 손꼽히는 부자동네 아님. 게다가 대구 출신 인물들이 정권을 잡다보니까 대구 경북에 대기업을 유치하고 타 지역보다 일자리가 많다보니 대구하면 사실상 제2의 수도서울이라고 봐야했다.

인천 대구 부산 부자동네 집값 도시 갤러리.. 167 1309 8 0 10695406 쌔깝똥이..

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위치 대구 수성구 범어동 준공 2009년 최고 거래가 23.

78년 대봉동 청구맨션 83년 삼익뉴타운이 대구 1세대 부자 아파트로 통했다.

이 아파트에는 일명 사 자들만 삽니다, 167 1309 8 0 10695406 쌔깝똥이, ㄹㅇ 해운대 대구는 빌라 주택도 잡혀서 평단내려치기인데 송도저긴 아파트차력쇼로도 못이기네. 대구 수성구 & 부산 해운대구 대구 수성구와 부산 해운대구는 지방 경제의 중심지로 알려져 있다.

Com › oumiu › 223787321297대구 부자동네는 역시 oo동. 대구갔을때 수성구 부심으로 말하는 애들이 자기는 달서구나 서구쪽은 안가봤다고 하는 애들도 봣습니다, 재테크 카페에서 어떤분이 이러이러한 글좀 찾아주세요 하고 궁금해서 나도 따라가서 본 글임, 위치 대구 수성구 범어동 준공 2009년 최고 거래가 23.

재테크 카페에서 어떤분이 이러이러한 글좀 찾아주세요 하고 궁금해서 나도 따라가서 본 글임, 서변동동변동 여긴 말할 read more, 서변동동변동 여긴 말할 read more. 대구은행 본점 pb들은 대구에서 부자 범주에 들어가려면 11억12억원 이상의 금융자산을 포함해 40억50억원 정도의 자산을 가지고 있어야 된다고 분석하고 있다.

섬유 산업발전으로 부동산 경기 떡상 김대중 대구 지원해줬네 ㄷ 섬유산업 떡상하다가 다.

동성로는 부자동네라기보다 걍 상가가 몰리는곳임 거서 사람주거하는곳이란 느낌이 아니고 주요 건물들이나 주요 상가들이 모여있는 느낌 번화가 1 dndn 2025, 대한민국최고 부자동네 대구 중도정치 마이너 갤러리, 대구 수성구 다음으로 부산 해운대구가 차지하고 있어요, 800만 부울경지역 + 수성구일부에서 넘어와 지방 최고수준의 소비력을 보여주는곳. 대한민국최고 부자동네 대구 중도정치 마이너 갤러리, 수성구 어린이날 어버이날 르세라핌 좋아했던 230505 개웃기다 어떻게해 익명연예 김지웅 익명연예 김태래 익명연예 임현식.

최근 부산의 입지가 많이 약해졌다고는 하지만, 이 지역은 고소득층이 밀집해 있는 지역으로 나타난다. 지방이라도 평당가가 서울에비해 싸더라도 무시할수가 없는지역, 대구에서 집값이 가장 비싸고, 평균 소득 수준도 높은 지역 대표적인 세 곳을 소개해볼게요. 주장1 남구 대명동안가본놈들이 뭣도모르고 수성구라면 부자동네 부자동네라고 하는데 사실상 옛부터 앞산주변 남구 대명동 등에 대구지역 부자들이 모여살았고 지금도 살고있다, 각지역에 살기좋은곳이라 정착할려고 사는것이 대부분임근데 유독 고담대구 수성구는 학원도많고 함왜냐.

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Com › board › view대구는 참 신기한 동네임 부동산 갤러리.. 전반적으로는말 그대로 전반적으로 수성구쪽에 잘 사는 집들이 많긴 하다..

남구 대명동걍 존나 갈데없음 빌라촌에다가 낙후된 달동네 언덕임 팔십년대땐 부촌이었다던데 그게 그거는 저언혀 안믿겨짐.

대구경북 최고 명문고인 경북고등학교 터에 생긴 청운맨션은 최상류층과 부자들의 거주공간이었다, 이것도 거의 황금1동에 한해서고 2동은 더이상의 자세한 말은 생략함. 범2동 대구1번 아파트 두산위브 있음 대구지방고등법원 검찰청 있음 시지로 이전 가능성 높음 교통ㅅㅌㅊ 서울로 치면 영동대로 같은 느낌 범어3동 2,4동에 비하면 비교적 ㅎㅌㅊ 학군 ㅍㅌㅊ 박한이 삼 범어1동 대형평수 아파트 위주 대구 최고층 아파트 w, 남구 대명동걍 존나 갈데없음 빌라촌에다가 낙후된 달동네 언덕임 팔십년대땐 부촌이었다던데 그게 그거는 저언혀 안믿겨짐, 영구와 맹구의 뒤를 잇는 대구라는 캐릭터로 집으로에 등장했다. 각지역에 살기좋은곳이라 정착할려고 사는것이 대부분임근데 유독 고담대구 수성구는 학원도많고 함왜냐.

쏘걸탑걸 Com › oumiu › 223787321297대구 부자동네는 역시 oo동. 칠곡조금 침산동보다는 너무 딸림 피지컬이. Com › ksu5823 › 223837289821대한민국 부자동네 순위 top 10 네이버 블로그. 02 1804 동성로는 걍 상권이지 부자동네가 아닌데 부자동네는 범어동 만촌동 황금동 수성동 수성구쪽이야. Com › board › view대구 부촌 빈민 낙후촌 모음집들을 모아본당 도시 갤러리. 시이나 유나 디시

시이나 유나 유출 Com › board › view대구 부자수가 서울빼면 1윈데 도시 갤러리. 동성로는 부자동네라기보다 걍 상가가 몰리는곳임 거서 사람주거하는곳이란 느낌이 아니고 주요 건물들이나 주요 상가들이 모여있는 느낌 번화가 1 dndn 2025. 이것도 거의 황금1동에 한해서고 2동은 더이상의 자세한 말은 생략함. 대구 수성구의 평균 종합소득은 6,057만원입니다. 전반적으로는말 그대로 전반적으로 수성구쪽에 잘 사는 집들이 많긴 하다. 신태일 av

아라이 리 대구은행 본점 pb들은 대구에서 부자 범주에 들어가려면 11억12억원 이상의 금융자산을 포함해 40억50억원 정도의 자산을 가지고 있어야 된다고 분석하고 있다. Com › board › view대구는 참 신기한 동네임 부동산 갤러리. 고급 아파트들이 밀집한 부촌이다 보니, 대구의 강남이라고 자주 비유당한다. 2023년 귀속소득 기준 1인당 평균소득금액이 높은 지역으로 수도권을 제외한 1위 지역이 대구 수성구로 뽑히기도 했습니다. 임금수준만큼 물가가 싸기 때문에 결국 똔똔이에요 서울부자들이 고시원 같은데 사는 홍콩부자 느낌이라면 대구부자들은 대저택 사는 농부 느낌이랄까. 신주쿠역 디시

아속 역 변마 디시 흔히들 범어네거리 제니스를 대구 전통 부자들이 모여사는 곳이라고 생각하는데 그렇지 않다. 대구 수성구의 평균 종합소득은 6,057만원입니다. 대구은행 본점 pb들은 대구에서 부자 범주에 들어가려면 11억12억원 이상의 금융자산을 포함해 40억50억원 정도의 자산을 가지고 있어야 된다고 분석하고 있다. Com › board › view대구 부자 동네. 해운대구 마린시티 우동 + 엘시티주변 중동명실상부 부울경권 최고 부촌.

시크릿 커리큘럼 픽시 브 17 19 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보. 167 1309 8 0 10695406 쌔깝똥이. 대구 수성구 & 부산 해운대구 대구 수성구와 부산 해운대구는 지방 경제의 중심지로 알려져 있다. 8억 원 204㎡, 약 78평 기준 왜 이렇게 비쌀까요. Com › board › view대구 부자 동네.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.