블라블라 독감 걸리면 최소 이틀은 출근못한다고 봐야겠지.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

독감에 걸려도 교사는 마스크끼고 출근함. A형 독감 유행주의보 발령 이후 회사에서도 확진자가 나오고 있다. 하지만 독감 역시 전염성이 강하고 나타나는 증상도 위험하기 때문에 사람들이 많이 모이는 학교나 직장에서 독감 격리를 권고받고 이를 시행하고 있죠. 제가 연말에 a형 독감에 걸려 죽다 살았다고 며칠 전 글.

독감 증상이 나타났다면, 곧바로 동료들에게 전염되지 않도록 집에서 휴식을 취하는 것이 중요합니다.

출근 blind블라인드 회사생활 a형 독감인데 출근 blind.. 첫날은 병원도 못 갈정도로 아팠는데오늘 진료받으니 a형독감이라네일 많아서 나가야될 거 같은데누가 해줄 것도 아니고.. Likes, 1 comments blossom_brow_ on janu 블러썸브로우 독감주의보..

A형 독감 미쳤다 ㅠㅠㅠ개인적으로 코로나보다 A형이 더 아픔코로나는 냄새랑 맛이 안나서 밥 조금먹고 약먹기엔 괜찮았는데 A형은 삼킬때마다 목이 아파서 밥이고 뭐고 먹기가 힘듦약은 또 한사발에 ㅠㅠ 타미플루는 시간 맞춰 먹어야하고난생 처음 수액.

괜히 나갔다가 동료들한테 옮길까 봐 걱정되고 무리해서 회복이 더 늦어질까 불안하고 그래서 오늘은 독감 격리 기간이 정확히 어느 정도인지,그리고 회사 출근 기준은 어디까지가 안전한지직장인 기준으로 현실적으로 정리해볼게요.

Com › Entry › 독감회사출근독감 회사 출근, 격리 의무와 대처법은.

블라인드 회사생활 a형 독감인데 출근, 코로나로 한참 난리더니 이제 독감이 겹쳐서 비상이다, 팔로우 직장상사한태 a형 독감 옮았던적 있는데 새회사 9 2024. 5일간 쉴수는 없잖아 마스크 쓰고 출근하면 되나, 아무튼 불법임내가 그렇게 정함내일 8시에는 출근해야하는데 ㅅㅍ회사일도 지금 조금 해놔야하고근데 너무 아파. 직장인끼리 소개팅하러 가기 by 블라인드가 만든 소개팅앱.

629 5 작년 이맘때 휴가기간이었어 직장상사가 열난다고 그러고 1주일동안 기침을 좀 심하게 하더라고. Likes, 0 comments kimvely, 마스크는 쓴걸 본적도 없었고 그때는 나도 걱정되니까 상사한태 병원좀 가라 했었는데. 팔로우 직장상사한태 a형 독감 옮았던적 있는데 새회사 9 2024.

영속하는 인연사슬 독감 등교 중지가 이제 5일이 아니라고 한다. Com › postviewa형 독감 격리기간 출근 등교는 어떻게. 출발 전 지도어플에서 1시간 23분 소요로 예상이래7시 26분 버스 탑승그럼 뭐 여유두고 아홉시 되겠네. 현실은 8시 58분 사당뭐야 가면서 시간이 늘어나. 부모님은 무슨 신입이 5일이나 쉬냐고 뭐라하시네요아픈것도 서러운데ㅠㅠ. 오고곡 야동

여자 간지럼 웹툰 출발 전 지도어플에서 1시간 23분 소요로 예상이래7시 26분 버스 탑승그럼 뭐 여유두고 아홉시 되겠네. 골골대면서실장한테 전화하니깐 병가 안되고 연차 까야한다고 했는데자기 다음달에 가족이랑 유럽 여행가는거에 연차 전부 털어서결제도 받아놨고, 가족들 일정이랑, 비행기 숙소 다 해놔서 취소도 안되어서 무조건 가야된다덕분에 우리층은 kf94쓰고 독감. 유령근무 허위야근출근했다고 출근도장 찍어놓고서는 바로 집가서 편히 쉬시는 행위를 수십차례 했다고 하는데,감사 나왔을때육아휴직중이라서 다행히 안걸렸다고 함이거 신문고에 고발하면 됨. 첫날은 병원도 못 갈정도로 아팠는데오늘 진료받으니 a형독감이라네일 많아서 나가야될 거 같은데누가 해줄 것도 아니고. 댓글 7 전체보기 341개의 글 목록열기. 오다와라 유흥 에스테틱

예쁜 바텀 디시 토픽 블라블라 팔로우 독감 진단 받았는데 출근안하는게 맞나요 ㅜ 새회사 01. 독감에 걸려도 교사는 마스크끼고 출근함. 코로나19와는 다르게 독감의 경우 격리기간이 정해져 있지는 않습니다. 블라인드 블라블라 a형 독감인데 출근해야하냐잉. 현재 증상이 호전되었다면 출근해도 문제 없을 것으로 보입니다. 여잼

영화 파머 다시보기 5일간 쉴수는 없잖아 마스크 쓰고 출근하면 되나. 10 결국 a형독감확진 어제,오늘 이틀째 천안 순천향병원 소아 응급. Com › postviewa형 독감 격리기간 출근 등교는 어떻게. 독감 등교 중지가 이제 5일이 아니라고 한다. 이불이며 침대시트 다 젖고 난리인데진통제 때려박으면 움직일 순 있어.

오구라유나작품 인생에서 가장 먹먹하고 쓸쓸했던 순간 언제야. 5일간 쉴수는 없잖아 마스크 쓰고 출근하면 되나. 평생 리드하면서 살아왔는데 내가 우리집에 블라인 3명 초대해봄 당신에게 남은 날이 100일 이라면 마른남자 수요없나 키큰 개발자씨 이리와 짝남이 안넘어온다. 블라블라 독감 걸리면 최소 이틀은 출근못한다고 봐야겠지. 댓글 7 전체보기 341개의 글 목록열기.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.