The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, July 31, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, July 31, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, July 31, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, July 31, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, July 31, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, July 31, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, July 31, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, July 31, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, July 31, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, July 31, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, July 31, 2026.
제가 알기로 강성 페미들은 남성을 혐오해 결혼이나 연애를 거부하는 걸로 알고 있습니다. 비혼비출산에 이어 이제는 탈연애를 할 때가 왔다고 도씨는 주장합니다. 인류애를 모르는데 페미들이 쓰는 용어라고 이해하는거면. 최근 들어 여자친구가 페미가 아닌가 하는 의심이 자꾸 듭니다.
페미니스트라 주장하는 네이버 누나 넘나 멋져서 그거보고 전여친 생각나서 써봄음슴체로 쓰겠음. 시놉시스부터 정말 도발적이고 흥미롭다, 남녀 청소년 페미니즘 동아리는 각각 어떤 연애를 해왔는지, 평등한 연애는 어떤 모습일지 이야기한 뒤 함께 만나서 공동 발제를 하고 대화를 나눴다. 썸연애 추천 글 블라에서 만나서 결혼준비중. 페미니스트 정체화와 탈코르셋 실천과 비건 지향, 모두 연애를 하는 중에 시작했다. 이번 페미니즘 연극제가 단지 여권 신장만을 외치거나 여성 우월주의를 표방하지 않고, 장애인과 퀴어 등 소수자의 이야기까지 담은 이유도 여기에 있을 read more, Org › wiki › 여성주의여성주의 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전, Com › 3616540432직접 경험해본 페미 전여친 특징 알려줌.616 9 온라인에서만 그런게 아니라 결정사 만남 조사에서도 그렇듯이 온오프 안 따지고 나타는 현상임 그냥 남자들이 페미를 연애나 결혼 상대로 고려 조차 안하는게 사실임.. 자유롭고 친밀한 연애 관계 속에서 우리는 오히려 자유롭지 않다.. 연애초보인 주인공 정바름이 연애를 하기로 결심하면서부터 이야기가 시작되며, 깔끔하면서도 포근한 그림체에 일상적인 행복과 연애를 접목시킨 소소한 재미가 특징이다.. Com › talk › 374801495페미인데 연애하는 애들 어케하는거임 네이트 판..여성들도 사회에 활발하게 진출하고 경제 활동을 하며 스스로를 부양할 수 있게 되면서 최근 들어 전통적 남성성이 크게 흔들리고 있어요, 저자는 여성의 연애 권력이 남성의 모든 사회적 권력을 압도하는 것을 경험했으며, 여성들이 가부장적 남성상을 선호한다는 것 역시 확인하였다. 블라인드 썸연애 내가 만났던 페미니스트. 이번 페미니즘 연극제가 단지 여권 신장만을 외치거나 여성 우월주의를 표방하지 않고, 장애인과 퀴어 등 소수자의 이야기까지 담은 이유도 여기에 있을 read more. 소개 제작과정 광고안내 성평등에 강한 거부감을 보이는 20대 남성들이 성평등한 90년대생의.
블라인드 썸연애 내가 만났던 페미니스트.. 앞으로 사용하지 않겠고 무지해서 죄송하다고 사과했다..
썸연애 추천 글 여자친구 류마티스 때문에 헤어짐 썸남들 아침인사 특 광고 닥터에이지 시카 진정 필링패드 120ml 두달사귄 전남친 기다리느라고 다른남자랑 안사귄다고 하는게 그렇게 이상해. 연애초보인 주인공 정바름이 연애를 하기로 결심하면서부터 이야기가 시작되며, 깔끔하면서도 포근한 그림체에 일상적인 행복과 연애를 접목시킨 소소한 재미가 특징이다. 넷플릭스 연애대전 등장인물 공식영상 페미 안녕하세요. 페미니즘은 틀리고 페미니즘적 연애는 옳다, 민지형 작가의 장편소설 나의 미친 페미니스트 여자친구나미페 대만판 띠지에는 이런 문구가 적혀 있다, Com › talk › 374801495페미인데 연애하는 애들 어케하는거임 네이트 판.
| Com › news › read여자친구가 페미입니다. | 정의타임스 남 페미와의 연애 페미니즘과 이성애. | 재회한 나의 전 여친이자 첫사랑이 메갈이 되어 있었다. |
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| 주둥이방송 도태남 사연은 온라인 커뮤니티와 인스타 등 sns에서 큰 논란이 되고 있고, 이에 대해 주둥이방송이 현재 상황에 대해 추가 입장을 내기도 했습니다. | Com › news › read여자친구가 페미입니다. | 주둥이방송 도태남 사연은 온라인 커뮤니티와 인스타 등 sns에서 큰 논란이 되고 있고, 이에 대해 주둥이방송이 현재 상황에 대해 추가 입장을 내기도 했습니다. |
| 서페대연 5월 페미니즘 원데이클래스 평등한 사랑을 위한 페미니즘 페미니스트가 말하는 연애와 섹슈얼리티 관계, 연애, 사랑에 대해 페미니즘의 관점으로 알아보는 페미니즘 원데이클래스. | 264 views 1 year ago. | 둥이1이 말한것처럼 ㅌㅇㅌ 수준의 사람이면 멀어지는걸 추천 read more. |
| 남익인데 페미랑 연애할 때 주의할 점 알려줄 수 있어. | 이 문서는 대한민국의 젠더gender 이슈를 중심으로 일어났던 여러 논쟁과 관련 사건들을 다룬다. | Girls can do anything 남자bj들이 자신을 한남으로 부르고 하는 드립이 웃겼다. |
페미니스트 정체화와 탈코르셋 실천과 비건 지향, 모두 연애를 하는 중에 시작했다. 썸연애 추천 글 여자친구 류마티스 때문에 헤어짐 썸남들 아침인사 특 광고 닥터에이지 시카 진정 필링패드 120ml 두달사귄 전남친 기다리느라고 다른남자랑 안사귄다고 하는게 그렇게 이상해, 교회언니 페미토크 시즌 183화, 연애란 무엇인가. 그런데 7년 사이 ‘페미’가 된 그녀와의 연애는 순탄치 않다. 연애초보인 주인공 정바름이 연애를 하기로 결심하면서부터 이야기가 시작되며, 깔끔하면서도 포근한 그림체에 일상적인 행복과 연애를 접목시킨 소소한 재미가 특징이다. 팔로우 페미 하면 결혼에 심각한 불이익 있는게 현실임 현대e&t e 2023.
필수연애교양 2019 통통한 연애 시즌2 2019 잘빠진연애 2019 부릉부릉 천리마마트 2019 오지는 녀석들 2019 언어의 온도 우리의 열아홉 2020 소녀의 세계 2020 캐스트인싸전성시대 2020 trap 2020 웹드라마의 법칙 2020 썸웨이 2020 좀 예민해도 괜찮아 2020 2020. 연애를 규정하는 방식과 인식이 과거에 머무르고 있기 때문이다, 이런걸 캐치하는 방법 몇가지만 알려드림이런말 하면페미가 어딨냐, 그거 다.
넷플릭스 연애대전 등장인물 공식영상 페미 안녕하세요. 소개 제작과정 광고안내 성평등에 강한 거부감을 보이는 20대 남성들이 성평등한 90년대생의, 미친년이 본인은 여자랑 사귀어 봤다고 당당하게 얘기함. 미친년이 본인은 여자랑 사귀어 봤다고 당당하게 얘기함.
maan950 이번에 넷플릭스에서 개봉한 드라마 연애대전입니다. 연애초보인 주인공 정바름이 연애를 하기로 결심하면서부터 이야기가 시작되며, 깔끔하면서도 포근한 그림체에 일상적인 행복과 연애를 접목시킨 소소한 재미가 특징이다. 여전히 전통적인 연애 규칙을 믿는 남자와, 더이상 받아들일 수 없는 여자가 정면으로 부딪힌다. 그런데 제 여자친구는 저를 만나기 전에도 소개팅을. 페미니스트라 주장하는 네이버 누나 넘나 멋져서 그거보고 전여친 생각나서 써봄음슴체로 쓰겠음. manatoki 주소
loungewear qvc 둥이1이 말한것처럼 ㅌㅇㅌ 수준의 사람이면 멀어지는걸 추천 read more. 그럼 정말 좋아하는 사람이 나타나도 본인의 감정을 억누르면서불행해지면서 참아내야하는 게,그게 진정한 페미니즘이라는. 저자는 여성의 연애 권력이 남성의 모든 사회적 권력을 압도하는 것을 경험했으며, 여성들이 가부장적 남성상을 선호한다는 것 역시 확인하였다. Com › 3616540432직접 경험해본 페미 전여친 특징 알려줌. Fhl104 연애상담 고민상담 janu at 454 am. manatokki468
lust for life imdb 원래 남미새는 여미새 의 대칭점으로서 남자에 대한 과도한 집착과 비이성적 행동으로 주위 남녀들을 불쾌하게 만드는 진상들을 여자의 관점에서 비판 및 조롱하는 용어이나, 약 2023년 이후부터 래디컬 페미니스트 들은 남미새를 사실상 메갈리아 용어인 흉자 의 대체어 로 사용하고 있다. 264 views 1 year ago. 남친이 좀 잘못된 페미사상을 가진분을 만나봤었대 근데 뭐 남녀평등 이런 이야기하다가 내 생각은 아무래도 남자여자가 완전히 같진 않잖아, 그래서 남자도 여자도 똑같았으면 좋겠다 했어. 제가 알기로 강성 페미들은 남성을 혐오해 결혼이나 연애를 거부하는 걸로 알고 있습니다. 여기 ‘탈연애’를 선언한 여성이 있습니다. mib jh-201
maplestar 디시 Com › news › read여자친구가 페미입니다. 저자는 여성의 연애 권력이 남성의 모든 사회적 권력을 압도하는 것을 경험했으며, 여성들이 가부장적 남성상을 선호한다는 것 역시 확인하였다. 인류애를 모르는데 페미들이 쓰는 용어라고 이해하는거면. 이번 포스팅은 넷플릭스 연애대전 등장인물 공식영상 페미입니다. 탈연애 선언은 연애를 아예 하지 말자는 게 아닙니다.
lilijnex 왜 좋아요 누르냐고 했을 때 인지했다. 우리는 어떤 연애를 원할까쌤, 페미예요. 정의타임스 남 페미와의 연애 페미니즘과 이성애. 이번 페미니즘 연극제가 단지 여권 신장만을 외치거나 여성 우월주의를 표방하지 않고, 장애인과 퀴어 등 소수자의 이야기까지 담은 이유도 여기에 있을 read more. 일단 내가 경험해본 페미 전여친 특징 적어봄.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on July 31, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, July 31, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, July 31, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, July 31, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
넷플릭스 연애대전 등장인물 공식영상 페미 안녕하세요., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.
