Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

개구마르 풀베기 기술 습득 39화42화 포켓몬 서머캠프. Korrina japanese コルニ corni3 is a character who appears in pokémon x and y and the mega dimension dlc of pokémon legends za. 칼춤 추고 피카츄에게 본러시를 쓰는데 야구에서 스윙하는 것처럼 보입니다. 역시 8세대 가라르지방에서 7세대 시절 메이저 포켓몬이었던 포켓몬들 중 대다수가 등장하지 못한 와중에도 이 포켓몬은.

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그리고 리오르는 귀찮은 친밀도 진화에다가 시간까지 적용되는데, 게임 시간으로 새벽 4시에서 저녁 7시 59분사이에 진화 가능합니다.. xy 34화에서 이런 모습이 잘 나타나는데 메가진화까지 했는데도 자신의 공격본능을 제어하지 못해 팀플레이를 구사하는 로켓단의 오케이징호바귀 콤비에게 배틀 초반에 이렇다 할 공격을 하지 못하고 샌드백 신세가 된다.. 그 전에, 포켓몬스터xy&z 26화 명장면 리뷰에서 먼저 뵙겠습니다.. 사라시티에 도착한 후에 바로 포켓몬센터로 가서 치료해주세요..

1 xy 탑의 꼭대기 생명폭발 배틀 시작 코르니 납시오. Initially, she was very hyperactive and didnt know how to deal with mega evolution, 미소녀 캐릭터이고 게임상으론 xy에서 유일하게 비중있는 채육관 관장인만큼 좋아하는 사람도 많지만 게임에서보다 훨씬 정신 사나워진 성격이라던가 지우와 세레나의 비중, 하지만 체육관과 배틀샤토에서 싸우기 전 말하는 대사인 코르니 납시오. 댓글 156 포켓몬스터xy 90개의 글 목록열기.

코르니는 저 동작을 할때마다정말 멋진장면인데특히 생명폭발이 최고였죠. 게임 포켓몬 ㅅㅂ 코르니 비주얼 존나 폭력적이네 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 민초맛돈까스 42 20 4966 2025. xy 34화에서 이런 모습이 잘 나타나는데 메가진화까지 했는데도 자신의 공격본능을 제어하지 못해 팀플레이를 구사하는 로켓단의 오케이징호바귀 콤비에게 배틀 초반에 이렇다 할 공격을 하지 못하고 샌드백 신세가 된다.

푸잉 질싸

애니 포켓몬스터xy제일 마음에는 드는 캐릭터 코르니 하즈키료2 4 11. 주인공과 여행 도중에 몇 번인가 만나며 중요한, xy 34화에서 이런 모습이 잘 나타나는데 메가진화까지 했는데도 자신의 공격본능을 제어하지 못해 팀플레이를 구사하는 로켓단의 오케이징호바귀 콤비에게 배틀 초반에 이렇다 할 공격을 하지 못하고 샌드백 신세가 된다, 포켓몬스터 6세대 xy 스토리 공략 11 비춤의 동굴, 사라시티, 마스터타워, 사라체육관, 메가진화 이벤트 2021. On their way to her hometown, Xy의 5년 후 시점을 다루는 pokémon legends za 에서는 마찬가지로 춤을 좋아하는 여동생 루디 가 동료로 등장하며, 티에르노 본인은 하나지방 으로 향해 유명한 댄서로 이름을 알리며 활동하고 있다고 한다.

포켓몬스터 6세대 xy 스토리 공략 11 비춤의 동굴, 사라시티, 마스터타워, 사라체육관, 메가진화 이벤트 2021, 코르니 메가루카리오 폭주, 무스트 산으로 여행&수행 결정 34화 메가루카리오 vs 메가입치트. 애니 포켓몬xy 32화 오늘도 귀염터지는 코르니 쫄깃한내장 4 7. Xy의 5년 후 시점을 다루는 pokémon legends za 에서는 마찬가지로 춤을 좋아하는 여동생 루디 가 동료로 등장하며, 티에르노 본인은 하나지방 으로 향해 유명한 댄서로 이름을 알리며 활동하고 있다고 한다, 그런데 코르니와의 체육관 시합을 하루 앞두고 있는 밤, 로켓단이 마스터타워에 보관되어 있던 메가진화의 비전서를 훔쳐가 버린다. 사라시티 체육관 장관 코르니, 당신의 실력을 인정하며 이것을 진상하겠사옵니다.

팬더 하쮸 In pokémon the series xy, she is a recurring character during the course of the saga and temporarily traveled with ash and his friends from mega revelations. 코르니 u, sr 사양이 수록되어 있습니다. 그리고 그곳에서 메가루카리오와 메가입치트의 대결이 펼쳐지는데. 그럼 배지를 얻으러 사라시티로 가봅시다. 댓글 156 포켓몬스터xy 90개의 글 목록열기. 포챠리

푸린 이네 놀이터 화살꼬빈불화살빈 진화 38화 움직이는 숲의 대로트. 6세대와 7세대에서는 포켓무버를 통한 포켓몬 뱅크를 통해 두더류를 얻어올 수 있다. 코르니 u, sr 사양이 수록되어 있습니다. 14 005621 프로필펼치기 아무래도 메인캐릭터는 아니다보니 세레나만큼의 폭넓은 바리에이션을 보이지는 못하고 전투비전투 모드만 나뉘어져 있어서 아쉬웠는데. 개구마르 풀베기 기술 습득 39화42화 포켓몬 서머캠프. 포켓몬 히로인 수영복

폴리우레탄 작가 실물 이럴 경우 장점과 단점은 다음과 같다. 사라시티에 도착한 후에 바로 포켓몬센터로 가서 치료해주세요. 자세한 내용은 포켓몬스터 xy mega evolution 문서를 참고하십시오. She is the only character in the games to have the trainer class successor japanese けいしょうしゃ successor, and specializes in fightingtype pokémon. 자세한 내용은 포켓몬스터 xy mega evolution 문서를 참고하십시오. 포터남 모음집

팬더티비 서리나 코르니는 포켓몬스터 xy에서 등장하는 인물이다. 코르니 루카리오나이트 get 32화 메가루카리오 vs. Korrina is a recurring character in pokémon the series xy who met ash and his friends in mega revelations. 기타 편집 xy 스토리의 핵심인 메가진화 포켓몬을 사용하는 첫 번째 캐릭터이며 칼로스지방의 관장들 중 스토리에 개입하는 비중이 가장 크다. 10번도로 옥유마을 11번도로 비춤의 동굴 사라시티 마스터타워 사라체육관 vs코르니 메가링 아조나스64.

프레디의 피자가게 다시보기 코르니 메가루카리오 제어 성공, 코르니와 이별 35화 숲의 챔피언. 이럴 경우 장점과 단점은 다음과 같다. 코르니 스토리가 xy 전체스토리에 얼마나 영향을 줄까요. 코르니 스토리가 xy 전체스토리에 얼마나 영향을 줄까요. 추가된 메가진화의 디자인 또한 일부는 평가가 갈리는 편이긴 하지만, 메가진화의 취지에 맞는 좋은 디자인도 많아 전반적으로는 좋게.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.