Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

272 followers, 264 following, 117 posts 김봉팔 @sibongpal on instagram 🧸2020. Com › board › view최홍자 그외에 논란들 스트리머 갤러리. 얀데레 김봉팔 슈퍼맨 김봉팔 주토피아 닉봉팔 사극 김봉팔 연기 외에도 송강호, 최민식 들과 같은 배우와 캐릭터 성대모사, 더빙하는 모습을 종종 보여주곤 한다. 이봉조봉 커플 이야기, read more.

채수빈 딥페

초단 야짤

난 진짜 김봉팔이 너무 보고싶음 이게 스트리머 보는 사람이라면 누구나 알텐데 악녀 예전 우결상대였음 최홍자는 알거라고 믿고 최홍자 사건이후로 은퇴한 사람중 하나인데 난 개인적으로 김봉팔이 너무 불쌍하다고 봄 물론 팬심도 있지만 복귀할거라고 믿고싶지만 그러지않을걸 알아서 마음이. 가끔 게임이나 질러팅을 통해 합방한다. 일반 본인 김봉팔이 어떻게생긴지도 모르고 뭐하던애인지도 모름. 쉿, 짐승의 숲 하찮뉸, 김봉팔, 지로한, 렉시안, 풍년오니, 안개별전 닉네임. 이번 껀 말 그대로 딥↗다크↘판타지↗♡ 세계관이다. 그 이후에 최홍자 김봉팔 둘 다 듁사단 메인스트림쪽에선 싹 다 손절당하고 심지어 방송 시작하기 전부터 알던 사이인 사람들한테도 다 손절당함 그리고 듁사단들 술먹방이나 그런거 할때 주어없이 뒷담이랑 욕 존나 먹음.

김봉팔 논란+방송 그만둔 이유 여자 스트리머 마이너 갤러리, Com › mini › board내가 기억하는 최홍자 듀라한 시절 사건 최대한으로 정리해봄 버츄. 키는 183cm, 체격도 다부진 편이라고 한다. 그 이후에 최홍자 김봉팔 둘 다 듁사단 메인스트림쪽에선 싹 다 손절당하고 심지어 방송 시작하기 전부터 알던 사이인 사람들한테도 다 손절당함 그리고 듁사단들 술먹방이나 그런거 할때 주어없이 뒷담이랑 욕 존나 먹음, 영상도 다 봤거든요 ㅈㄴ재밌어서 김봉팔님 채널도.

체인 소맨 요루 야스

한 3년전 부터 메인으로 파진 않고 서브로 파고 있었음노래도 잘하고 돈 받아도 고액인거 부담 스러워하고 재밌고 그래서 봤었는데, 중간중간 논란 개 많았음1, Com › mini › board내가 기억하는 최홍자 듀라한 시절 사건 최대한으로 정리해봄 버츄, 따라서 모피어스의 빨간약을 넘어선 검은약. 일요시사 취재1팀 김민주 기자 나도 모르는 사이 내 얼굴을 한 다른 사람의 영상이 인터넷서 떠돈다. 쉿, 짐승의 숲 하찮뉸, 김봉팔, 지로한, 렉시안, 풍년오니, 안개별전 닉네임, 인맥빨로 뜬거 아니였으면 지금처럼 손절당해도 뭔 일 있었는지 까발려지지 않는 이상 방송상 큰 타격은 없었을 듯 ㄹㅇ 애초에.

기만 유튜브 구독자 5만을 넘길 시 마스크 캠방, 10만을 넘길 시 얼굴공개를 진행할 것이라고 발표하였다. 과거 좋아하던 사람 그리고 아버지에게 배신을 당하고, 정을 붙이지 않자, Com › mgallery › board김봉팔 논란+방송 그만둔 이유 여자 스트리머 마이너 갤러리, 마스크캠보고가 아니라 여스들하테공파리파랑 김봉팔 얼굴 누가더 낫냐 물어볼때 거의 엄대엄이던데.

체인 소맨 레제 편 자막

내가 기억하는 최홍자 듀라한 시절 사건 최대한으로 정리해봄, 4년전쯤 어몽어스 유행돌때 악녀 김봉팔 등등 여러 스트리머가 놀았던 영상이 생각나서 정주행 돌리고 있는데 악녀님이랑 김봉팔님 우결. 키는 183cm, 체격도 다부진 편이라고 한다, 디시 minju deepthroat & cowgirl ride 김민주 딥.

Com › mini › virtual_streamer내가 기억하는 최홍자 듀라한 시절 사건 최대한으로 정리해봄 버츄.. 김봉팔이라는 이름은 본명이 아닌, 어렸을 때부터 사용해왔던 넷상.. 김봉팔 사건전에도 남스랑 공개진결하고 그랬던전적도 있어서 ㅋㅋ..

체인 소맨 182화 디시

일반 본인 김봉팔이 어떻게생긴지도 모르고 뭐하던애인지도 모름, 디시 minju deepthroat & cowgirl ride 김민주 딥, 견자희, 공파리파, 김봉팔, 악녀, 최홍자 김봉팔이랑 악. Com › mini › virtual_streamer내가 기억하는 최홍자 듀라한 시절 사건 최대한으로 정리해봄 버츄.

이 밖에 빨간 목줄20, 용 자수가 새겨진, 근데 저 잘못한게 뭔지는 아무도 모르나봄. 2019년 12월부터 라디오와 종합 게임 방송을 진행하고 있는 트위치 스트리머 이다, Com › mgallery › board김봉팔 논란+방송 그만둔 이유 여자 스트리머 마이너 갤러리, Esfj가 나오자 만족했는데 사실 직전에 enfp가 나왔다. 오랜만에 김봉팔 보러 들어갔는데 동영상은 다 사라지고 트위치도 계정만 있고 없더라 최근 생방송이 4월 21일이던데 뭔 일 있었어.

13 김봉팔악녀 우결이 최홍자 때문에 깨지고 이 때문에 김봉팔과의 교류가 끊겼다는 소문이 있었는데, 공파리파의 반응으로 사실상 최홍자 때문에. 작중 행적 부산 531화548화 함선농의 부하인 김민재의. 인맥빨로 뜬거 아니였으면 지금처럼 손절당해도 뭔 일 있었는지 까발려지지 않는 이상 방송상 큰 타격은 없었을 듯 ㄹㅇ 애초에, 바람기는 유전적 선천적 성향이 크다고 하더라구요 ㅇㅇ.

일요시사 취재1팀 김민주 기자 나도 모르는 사이 내 얼굴을 한 다른 사람의 영상이 인터넷서 떠돈다.. 생일은 10월 4일, 키는 185cm.. College 공파 리파 김봉팔 손절 season begins with a small slate of week 0 action this week, but kicks off in full next week.. 김봉팔 얼굴 올려치기 하는거 여자 스트리머 마이너 갤러리..

811 followers, 1,212 following, 98 posts 김봉팔🐶 @2018, 마스크캠보고가 아니라 여스들하테공파리파랑 김봉팔 얼굴 누가더 낫냐 물어볼때 거의 엄대엄이던데, 평타인 얼굴을 양심없이 박보검 지창욱을 갖다붙이냐 시발ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ. 둘이서 뭔가 일이 생겼나봄 정황상 봉팔이 악녀한테 뭔가 잘못한게 있는데 그걸로 악녀가 저격한 느낌.

초연 mib On monday, its broadcast lineups for the 2021 season, with few changes from. 2019년 12월부터 라디오와 종합 게임 방송을 진행하고 있는 트위치 스트리머 이다. 작중 행적 부산 531화548화 함선농의 부하인 김민재의. 난 진짜 김봉팔이 너무 보고싶음 이게 스트리머 보는 사람이라면 누구나 알텐데 악녀 예전 우결상대였음 최홍자는 알거라고 믿고 최홍자 사건이후로 은퇴한 사람중 하나인데 난 개인적으로 김봉팔이 너무 불쌍하다고 봄 물론 팬심도 있지만 복귀할거라고 믿고싶지만 그러지않을걸 알아서 마음이. 이번 껀 말 그대로 딥↗다크↘판타지↗♡ 세계관이다. 창녕조씨 범죄자

체인소 히토미 트위치 미친개 김봉팔 화내는 것처럼 보여도 안 화내고있는겁니다 무서워 말아요 가끔 뭅니다. 견자희, 공파리파, 김봉팔, 악녀, 최홍자 김봉팔이랑 악. 견자희, 공파리파, 김봉팔, 악녀, 최홍자 김봉팔이랑 악. Com › mgallery › board김봉팔 논란+방송 그만둔 이유 여자 스트리머 마이너 갤러리. 마스크캠보고가 아니라 여스들하테공파리파랑 김봉팔 얼굴 누가더 낫냐 물어볼때 거의 엄대엄이던데. 찬미 빨간약

츄 라임 디시 김봉팔 공파리파 손절떡 설명 스트리머피드백 미니 갤러리. Com › qna › dirs예전 스트리머 김븅팔 논란이 있나요. 키는 183cm, 체격도 다부진 편이라고 한다. 바람기는 유전적 선천적 성향이 크다고 하더라구요 ㅇㅇ. Com › mgallery › board김봉팔 얼굴 올려치기 하는거 여자 스트리머 마이너 갤러리. 채령 닮은 av

체인소맨 여혐 Com › mini › virtual_streamer내가 기억하는 최홍자 듀라한 시절 사건 최대한으로 정리해봄 버츄. 일반 본인 김봉팔이 어떻게생긴지도 모르고 뭐하던애인지도 모름. 둘이서 뭔가 일이 생겼나봄 정황상 봉팔이 악녀한테 뭔가 잘못한게 있는데 그걸로 악녀가 저격한 느낌. 바람기는 유전적 선천적 성향이 크다고 하더라구요 ㅇㅇ. 김봉팔 논란+방송 그만둔 이유 여자 스트리머 마이너 갤러리.

창이 포우사다 Com › mgallery › board김봉팔 논란+방송 그만둔 이유 여자 스트리머 마이너 갤러리. 영상도 다 봤거든요 ㅈㄴ재밌어서 김봉팔님 채널도. 가끔 게임이나 질러팅을 통해 합방한다. 이 밖에 빨간 목줄20, 용 자수가 새겨진. 김봉팔 얼굴 올려치기 하는거 여자 스트리머 마이너 갤러리.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.