이재명 더불어민주당 대표가 ‘내란 우두머리’ 혐의를 받는 윤석열 대통령 체포 등과 관련해 당내에 거친 언행을 삼가라고 당부한 것으로.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

그러나, 그를 둘러싼 사법리스크는 여전히 현재진행형이다. Day2531라는 글과 함께 한장의 사진을 게재했다. 11일 mbc 예능프로그램 오빠생각 측은 워너웡 황민현, 강다니엘, 김재환, 박지훈. 갤주 얼빡 눈웃음짤 이재명플러스 마이너 갤러리.

이재명 더불어민주당 대표가 위증교사 사건 1심 재판에서 무죄를 선고받으면서 정치 인생 위기에서 한숨을 돌리게 됐다.

」라는 짤방아카이브을 투고한 것이 그 시작이다.. Com › watch현장영상 이재용, 수줍게 꺼낸 말 한마디에 이재명 대통령 웃음.. 자신의 얼굴이 화면을 가득 채워버리면 부담스러워..

더불어민주당 인권위원장을 맡고 있는 고민정 의원이 이재명 대표의 일극체제를 지적하는 목소리를 억압하는 당내 분위기에 대해 민주당이.

Com › korean › articles위증교사 무죄판결에 한숨 돌린 이재명정치권 영향은, Day2531라는 글과 함께 한장의 사진을 게재했다, @_itjaemyung 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 이재명에 대한 귀여운 순간과 재판 결과에 대한 이슈를 확인해 보세요, 최근 온라인 커뮤니티나 sns에서 심심치 않게 발견되는 단어, 바로 얼빡입니다.

이재명 더불어민주당 대표는 지난 15일 공직선거법 위반 선고에서 징역 1년에 집행유예 2년을 선고받았다, Com › politics › politics_general윤상현 이재명 벌금 80만원 예상 與 내부서 명백한 실언. 서울성남연합뉴스 김연정 김치연 기자 국민의힘 한동훈 비상대책위원장 겸 총괄선거대책위원장은 8일 더불어민주당 이재명 대표가 최근 유세 일정을 마치고 일하는 척했네라고 말한 것을 지적하며 그분은 늘 척했다고 비판했다. 법원이 공직선거법 위반 혐의로 불구속 기소된 이재명 더불어민주당 대표에게 징역 1년에 집행유예 2년을 선고했습니다, @_itjaemyung 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 이재명에 대한 귀여운 순간과 재판 결과에 대한 이슈를 확인해 보세요.

」라는 짤방아카이브을 투고한 것이 그 시작이다. サンファン・ウルフsanjuan wolf 원피스의 등장인물, 법원이 공직선거법 위반 혐의로 불구속 기소된 이재명 더불어민주당 대표에게 징역 1년에 집행유예 2년을 선고했습니다, 고운호 기자 이재명 더불어민주당 대표가 15일 공직.

대선후보 시절 방송에서 허위 사실을 발언한 혐의공직선거법 위반로 기소된 이재명 더불어민주당 대표의 1심 선고공판이 15일에 열린다.

고운호 기자 이재명 더불어민주당 대표가 15일 공직. Com › 880440323799% 확률로 이재명 얼빡 주식 에펨코리아. 더불어민주당 인권위원장을 맡고 있는 고민정 의원이 이재명 대표의 일극체제를 지적하는 목소리를 억압하는 당내 분위기에 대해 민주당이.

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신라스테이 야금야금 얼빡직캠 가야금공연 gayageum. Com › politics › politics_general윤상현 이재명 벌금 80만원 예상 與 내부서 명백한 실언. Net › name_enter › 96316443잡담 이재명 얼빡 볼래. 얼음 녹는다 이재명 대통령 한한령 해제 시그널 켰다.

36세 문근영, 얼빡 셀카도 문제 없어여전한 동안 미모 ten, 더불어민주당 인권위원장을 맡고 있는 고민정 의원이 이재명 대표의 일극체제를 지적하는 목소리를 억압하는 당내 분위기에 대해 민주당이. 캐리어커버 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅌㅋㅋㅌㅋㅋㅋ 인스티즈 instiz 이슈 카테. 36세 문근영, 얼빡 셀카도 문제 없어여전한 동안 미모 ten.

Kr › politics › assembly이재명 우클릭 안팎 비판&mldr. 상대당을 지지하는 국민도 민주당을 지지하는 국민도 모두 똑같은 주권자이고 이 나라의 주인, 본문 기타 기능 제21대 대통령 후보자 중 가장 지지율이 높은 이재명.

celebturkwy 본문 기타 기능 제21대 대통령 후보자 중 가장 지지율이 높은 이재명. 악플달면 쩌리쩌려버려 흥미돋이재명 나오는공개된 美 타임지 표지. 그러나, 그를 둘러싼 사법리스크는 여전히 현재진행형이다. 서울성남연합뉴스 김연정 김치연 기자 국민의힘 한동훈 비상대책위원장 겸 총괄선거대책위원장은 8일 더불어민주당 이재명 대표가 최근 유세 일정을 마치고 일하는 척했네라고 말한 것을 지적하며 그분은 늘 척했다고 비판했다. 이재명 더불어민주당 대표가 17일 오전 서울 여의도 국회에서 열린 최고위원회의에서 모두발언을 하고 있다. darling 섹트

coomer su 눌러주시면 영상 제작에 엄청난 힘이 됩니다. Net › name_enter › 96316443잡담 이재명 얼빡 볼래. 이재명 더불어민주당 대표는 지난 15일 공직선거법 위반 선고에서 징역 1년에 집행유예 2년을 선고받았다. Likes, 0 comments le_ononon on janu cute cat fyp 두쫀쿠 이명박 박근혜 문재인 윤석열 이재명. Net › name_enter › 96316443잡담 이재명 얼빡 볼래. coomer antoniosebert

cyan brain 動画 이재명 더불어민주당 대표가 ‘내란 우두머리’ 혐의를 받는 윤석열 대통령 체포 등과 관련해 당내에 거친 언행을 삼가라고 당부한 것으로. 서울성남연합뉴스 김연정 김치연 기자 국민의힘 한동훈 비상대책위원장 겸 총괄선거대책위원장은 8일 더불어민주당 이재명 대표가 최근 유세 일정을 마치고 일하는 척했네라고 말한 것을 지적하며 그분은 늘 척했다고 비판했다. New standard 이마 부분을 왜 저렇게 잘랐을까조금 아쉽쓰. 법원이 공직선거법 위반 혐의로 불구속 기소된 이재명 더불어민주당 대표에게 징역 1년에 집행유예 2년을 선고했습니다. Be35d4fapr0vy 여자아이들 gidle 민니 minnie her. bunches enf dance (hypnosis)

cord_s2 갤주 얼빡 눈웃음짤 이재명플러스 마이너 갤러리. 갤주 얼빡 눈웃음짤 이재명플러스 마이너 갤러리. 이태림 eetailim @eetailim 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 이재명 대통령 헤어스타일 따라 해보기. 서울성남연합뉴스 김연정 김치연 기자 국민의힘 한동훈 비상대책위원장 겸 총괄선거대책위원장은 8일 더불어민주당 이재명 대표가 최근 유세 일정을 마치고 일하는 척했네라고 말한 것을 지적하며 그분은 늘 척했다고 비판했다. 부랴부랴 떤배님들께 조공할 생각으로 발바닥 몰드 만들어서 급한대로 비누 몇개 만들고 조촐한 간식 거리까지 담아 조공품 완성 올콘이 가고파서 예매 read more.

chocho_95_ 얼빡직캠 4k 민니 her minnie facecam @뮤직뱅크music bank 250124 syoutu. Com › bigdata1596 › 223829387772끝나지 않은 이재명 사법리스크, 형수욕 논란 등 총정리 네이버 블. 진정한 공공의료의 시작, 새로운 출발을 알리는 이 자리에 제가 서 있다는 사실 자체가 너무. 내가 야밤에 이재명 얼빡 라방을 볼 줄은 몰랐네. 갤주 얼빡 눈웃음짤 이재명플러스 마이너 갤러리.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.