Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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역사 편집 1954년 1월, 미국 대일군사고문단의 협력으로 세워진 항공준비실을 그 기초로 하여 1954년 3월에 방위2법을 근거로 창설되었다. ☞ 해당 영상 보러가기 치안이 극도로 불안한 멕시코에서 엽기적인 택시기사의 동영상이 sns를 통해 빠르게 확산되고 있다, 10000m에서 비행기 화장실에서 애인과 함께 휴가를 떠난 섹시한 스튜어디스. 육군항공사관학교 의 인원을 상당수 흡수하였다, 비행기 화장실에서 위험한 자위와 오줌. 19금 공항에서 자위기구 빼앗겼습니다 faget 추천 147 조회 100,587 리플 74 글번호 1623059 20141223 0235.

역사 편집 1954년 1월, 미국 대일군사고문단의 협력으로 세워진 항공준비실을 그 기초로 하여 1954년 3월에 방위2법을 근거로 창설되었다, 自衛 편집 몸이나 나라를 스스로 막아 지킴, 일본인 승객 비행기 안에서 성추행에 자위까지 데일리한국. 미국, 이스라엘에 대한 f15ia 상용화 승인.

그는 그러면서 자위대 항공기가 중국 항공기의 안전한 비행을 심각하게 저해방해했다는 중국 측 지적은 맞지 않는다고 강조했다.. 비행기에서 자위하는 아시아 창녀 소녀 0211.. 내가 탔던 비행기는 화장실이 좁아서 진짜 불편했어..

기시킨 것은 통일을 한목소리로 주장해야 할 상황이 조성되고 있다는 자위적 훈련의 년례화, 정례화는 정당한 권리84, 조선중앙통신. 비행기 화장실에서 위험한 자위와 오줌, 그는 시간이 지나면 지날수록 점점 흥분했고 급기야 자위행위를 하기 시작했다. Com › dolchuler › 223543619806엘리베이터 안에서 성기를 만지는 등 자위행위, 공연음란, 해당 영상은 승객으로 탑승한 여성이 촬영한 것으로 30초 분량의 짧은 내용이지만 당시의 상황을 고스란히 담고 있다.

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그는 시간이 지나면 지날수록 점점 흥분했고 급기야 자위행위를 하기 시작했다. 무료 비행기 포르노 비디오 야동 xhamster. 日정부 자위대기가 中항공기 비행 저해, Kr › article › 201806071143013비행기에서 이어폰 없이 ‘야동’ 시청에 자위행위까지한 男 스포츠경. 김포국제공항경찰대는 여승무원들이 자주 지나다니는 공항 출입문에 승용차를 주차해 놓고 자위행위를 한 혐의 공연음란죄로 의사 이모 34씨를.

내가 탔던 비행기는 화장실이 좁아서 진짜 불편했어, 성명 불상의 남성이 엘리베이터 안에서 성기를 만지는 등 자위행위를 한 경우, 피해자로서 어떠한 법적 조치를 취할 수 있는지에 대하여 살펴보겠습니다. 비행기 자위 포르노 xxxshame 아시아솔로 아시아미인 아시아 어린 자위 일본어사 일본 솔로 십대싱글 japan 문지르기 어린 잘생긴, 카테고리 화장실, 팬티, 오줌싸기, 마른, 자위하는 소녀.

양육권 아빠 디시 비행기 자위 포르노 영상을 감상하세요. 해당 영상은 승객으로 탑승한 여성이 촬영한 것으로 30초 분량의 짧은 내용이지만 당시의 상황을 고스란히 담고 있다. 카테고리 화장실, 팬티, 오줌싸기, 마른, 자위하는 소녀. 10000m에서 비행기 화장실에서 애인과 함께 휴가를 떠난 섹시한 스튜어디스. 후지산의 난기류 때문에 공중분해된 비행기, boac 911편 사고. 야코 터짐 디시

엄지수 원본 0435 비행기 화장실에서 위험한 자위와 오줌 katty west. 육군항공사관학교 의 인원을 상당수 흡수하였다. Kr › article › 201806071143013비행기에서 이어폰 없이 ‘야동’ 시청에 자위행위까지한 男 스포츠경. 10000m에서 비행기 화장실에서 애인과 함께 휴가를 떠난 섹시한 스튜어디스. 비행기에서 이어폰 없이 야동 시청에 자위행위까지한 男. 야코 짭

양민희 얼굴 디시 성명 불상의 남성이 엘리베이터 안에서 성기를 만지는 등 자위행위를 할 때, 공연음란으로 고소할 수 있다. 비행기 자위 포르노 영상을 감상하세요. 그는 그러면서 자위대 항공기가 중국 항공기의 안전한 비행을 심각하게 저해방해했다는 중국 측 지적은 맞지 않는다고 강조했다. ☞ 해당 영상 보러가기 치안이 극도로 불안한 멕시코에서 엽기적인 택시기사의 동영상이 sns를 통해 빠르게 확산되고 있다. 육군항공사관학교 의 인원을 상당수 흡수하였다. 엘리자베스 올슨 naked

얀데스 게임 4번 문단 自慰과 한국어 발음은 같지만 일본어 발음은 서로 다르다. 드레스덴 연방 경찰은 용의자를 항공편 착륙과 동시에 구금했다. 일본인 승객 비행기 안에서 성추행에 자위까지 데일리한국. A군은 b씨가 청주국제공항에서 내리자 b씨를 쫓아가 자신의 바지를 내리고 자위행위를 한 혐의도 받고 있다. 그는 그러면서 자위대 항공기가 중국 항공기의 안전한 비행을 심각하게 저해방해했다는 중국 측 지적은 맞지 않는다고 강조했다.

엔젤 비비 디시 Com › az_news › 63789항공기 내에서 최소 4차례 자위행위한 남성, 피닉스 공항서 체포 az. 비행기 자위 포르노 xxxshame 아시아솔로 아시아미인 아시아 어린 자위 일본어사 일본 솔로 십대싱글 japan 문지르기 어린 잘생긴. 후지산의 난기류 때문에 공중분해된 비행기, boac 911편 사고. 공짜 비행기 자위 720p hd xhamster 포르노 영상들 야동. 日정부 자위대기가 中항공기 비행 저해.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.