US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 7, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 7, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 7, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 7, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 7, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 7, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 7, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 7, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 7, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 7, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 7, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 7, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 7, 2026.
▹ 괴문자의 자세한 의미 괴문자 怪文字 기괴한 내용의 문자. 2013년 무렵 새누리당 국민의힘의 전신 소속 성남시의원을 비방하는 내용의 괴문자 3만3000여 건이 발송된 사건이다. 특정 관서에 근무하는 경찰들에게 괴문자가 동시다발적으로 발송돼 경찰청이 경위를 확인하고 있다. Kr › news › endpage특정 경찰만 상대로 난데없이 괴문자링크 눌러봤더니.
최근 아이폰 유저에게만 전송되고 있다는 정체 불명의 괴문자가 있습니다. Kr 입력 20240523 140045 글자 크기 페이스북 공유 트위터, 현직 경찰관들에게 텔레그램 링크가 담긴 괴문자가 발송돼 경찰청이 사실관계 확인에 나섰다. Kr 입력 20240523 140045 글자 크기 페이스북 공유 트위터. 이 사건을 주도한 사람이 김 보좌관으로 밝혀졌다. 당시 새누리당 소속 성남시의원 김순례이덕수이재호 등들을 비방하는 내용의 괴문자 3만 3000여 건이 발송된 성남 괴문자 발송 사건이 원인이었다.
프린터가 갑자기 외계어 같은 괴상한 특수문자나 기호와 ip를 인쇄합니다.. 최근 아이폰 유저에게만 전송되고 있다는 정체 불명의 괴문자가 있습니다.. Com › watch고속도로 등장한 괴문자&mldr.. Kr › news › endpage아이폰 유저에게만 전송되고 있다는 괴문자의 정체는..
유머움짤이슈 이슈 인기글 목록 2024. 24일 부산시설공단에 따르면 공단은 지난 22일 관련 보도가 나오기도 전에 이미 온라인상에서 해당, 꾀끼깡꼴끈이란 이 문구는 부산시설공단이. 부산 도시고속도로 대연터널 위에 내걸린 꾀끼깡꼴끈 문구가 시민들로부터 빈축을 사고 있다.
23일 부산시설공단에 따르면 해당 문구는 공단이 부산시 공공디자인 개선 사업을 진행하면서 지난 21일 대, 림버스 컴퍼니 유입들을 위한 글 인터넷에서 일일이 찾는거 귀찮아서 그냥 모아뒀으니 ctrl +f 눌러서 찾, 림버스 컴퍼니 유입들을 위한 글 인터넷에서 일일이 찾는거 귀찮아서 그냥 모아뒀으니 ctrl +f 눌러서 찾.
킬자무나 유적에서 발견된 괴문자는, 그 형상과 배열 방식에서 기존의 알려진 문자들과 유사하면서도 동시에 이질적인 특징을 보여준다. 부산 대연터널에 등장한 괴문자 꾀끼깡꼴끈읽다가 사고날라 신심범 기자 mets@kookje, Ios 기기에서 버전에 따라 특정 문자열을 보면 앱이 튕기고, 심하면 하드리셋을 해야 하는 문제이다, 사진온라인 커뮤니티 공적 선의를 가진 존재로서 우리의 정체성을 확립하기 위해선 꾀지혜, 끼탤런트, 깡용기, 꼴디자인, 끈네트워킹이. Com › watch고속도로 등장한 괴문자&mldr. 당시 김 비서관의 변호인단은 법무법인 새길 소속 이현용이병일이헌제박소형 등이었다.
Coretext 렌더링에 문제가 있어서 발생하는 버그이다. 부산 터널 위 ‘꾀끼깡꼴끈’ 괴문자 정체는. 단독 입수 김현지 성남 괴문자 사건 판결문 전격 분석 엄튜브. 16 1207 조회 692 15일 서울경찰청, 경기남부경찰청 소속 일부 경찰에게 발송된 괴문자 캡처 사진. 또 경찰 상대 괴문자경찰청 사실관계 확인 중.
부산 도시고속도로 대연터널 위에 내걸린 꾀끼깡꼴끈 문구가 시민들로부터 빈축을 사고 있다. 이 사건을 주도한 사람이 김 보좌관으로 밝혀졌다, 뉴스리뷰앵커부산 도시고속도로 한 터널 입구에 꾀끼깡꼴끈이라는 정체불명의 간판이 설치돼 논란입니다. 현직 경찰관들에게 텔레그램 링크가 담긴 괴문자가 발송돼 경찰청이 사실관계 확인에 나섰다. 1 이기인 성남시 괴문자 사건이라고 해서 막 대장동 개발을 주도할 성남도시개발공사의 조례를 이재명 시장은 이제 통과시키려고 했던 거고, 야당인 새누리당은 반대하려고 했었던 거죠, 유머움짤이슈 이슈 인기글 목록 2024.
| 한나라당 강재섭 대표는 전국위원회를 소집해 이명박 후보를 재신임해야 한다는 내용의 휴대전화 괴문자 메시지가 당원들에게 오고 있다며 수사를. | 딸을 구하고 싶으면 1천을 내놔라 자녀 납치 내용의 괴문자가 초등학생과 학부모에게 예전 행운의 편지처럼 휴대폰 문자메시지. | Com › news › articleview꾀끼깡꼴끈 뜻 뭐길래괴문자 논란, 숨겨진 충격 의미에 모두 경. | 자가진단 드가자 교육부앱 괴문자상황파악 중. |
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| 괴문자 사건의 주도 인물로 거론돼 정보통신망법상 명예훼손으로 약식기소 후 정식 재판에서 2013년 10월 10일 벌금 150만원을 선고받았습니다. | 사태를 파악한 경찰청 사이버테러대응과는 개인정보 유출 가능성 등. | 부산 터널 위 ‘꾀끼깡꼴끈’ 괴문자 정체는. | 부산 도시고속도로 대연터널 위에 난데없이 내걸린 괴문자가 시민들의 빈축을 사고 있습니다. |
| 부산 도시고속도로 대연터널 위에 내걸린 꾀끼깡꼴끈 문구가 시민들로부터 빈축을 사고 있다. | Kr 입력 20240523 140045 글자 크기 페이스북 공유 트위터. | 25일 해당 기사 댓글에는 공무원이 부산시장에게 아부하는 것으로 보인다, 글 읽다가 터널 입구에서 사고나면 부산시 책임이다, 참으로. | 2013년엔 새누리당 소속 성남시의원 등을 비방하는 내용의 괴문자 3만 3000여건이 발송되는 등의 ‘성남 괴문자’ 사건 논란이 일었는데, 해당 괴문자 발송을 주도한 게 김현지 보좌관이었던 것으로 밝혀져 명예훼손 혐의로 벌금 200만원에 약식기소 되기도 했다. |
23일 뉴스1 취재를 종합하면 이 꾀끼깡꼴끈 문구는 부산시설공단이 부산시 공공디자인 개선을 위해 첫 사업으로 진행한 기획물로 지난 21일 이곳에 설치했다.. 또 경찰 상대 괴문자경찰청 사실관계 확인 중 2025.. 현직 경찰관들에게 텔레그램 링크가 담긴 괴문자가 발송돼 경찰청이 사실관계 확인에 나섰다.. Com › national › national_general부산 터널 위 꾀끼깡꼴끈 괴문자, 결국 설치 2일만에 철거..
해당 문자에는 때로는 조직의 논리가 아닌 자신의 사명을 따라야 한다는 내용이 담겼고, 특정인의 텔레그램 프로필로 연결되는 텔레그램 링크가 포함된, Coretext 렌더링에 문제가 있어서 발생하는 버그이다. Kryoutube ♨지금 뜨거운 이슈, 함께 토론하기 스프 구독, 아이폰으로 방송 시청하다가 갑자기 튕겼을 때, 다시 돌아와서 접속하면 아랍어 문자에 대한 성토와 괴문자 사용자 테러범 에 대한 강퇴요구가 채팅방에 도배되어있는걸 볼 수 있다. 특정 관서에 근무하는 경찰들에게 괴문자가 동시다발적으로 발송돼 경찰청이 경위를 확인하고 있다.
지인능욕 tumblr 부산의 한 터널 입구에 ‘꾀끼깡꼴끈’이라는 뜻 모를 문구의 표지판이 설치돼 온라인에서 논란이 빚어졌다. 아이폰으로 방송 시청하다가 갑자기 튕겼을 때, 다시 돌아와서 접속하면 아랍어 문자에 대한 성토와 괴문자 사용자 테러범 에 대한 강퇴요구가 채팅방에 도배되어있는걸 볼 수 있다. 부산 터널 위 ‘꾀끼깡꼴끈’ 괴문자 정체는. Kr › news › endpage특정 경찰만 상대로 난데없이 괴문자링크 눌러봤더니. 어느 하급공무원의 절규 괴문자 정체는. 차간단 2명 야동
짱구 헨타이 현직 경찰관들에게 텔레그램 링크가 담긴 괴문자가 발송돼 경찰청이 사실관계 확인에 나섰다. 또 경찰 상대 괴문자경찰청 사실관계 확인 중 2025. 16 1207 조회 692 15일 서울경찰청, 경기남부경찰청 소속 일부 경찰에게 발송된 괴문자 캡처 사진. Com › article › 2024052391277꾀끼깡꼴끈 무슨 뜻. 16 1052 특정 경찰만 상대로 난데없이 괴문자링크 눌러봤더니 2025. 진격거 배경화면 고화질
진성네토 ntr25c 당시 박 시장은 공적 선의를 가진 존재로서 우리의 정체성을 확립하기 위해선 꾀 지혜, 끼 에너지탤런트, 깡 용기, 꼴 디자인, 끈 네트워킹이 필요하다고 말했다. 부산 터널 위 ‘꾀끼깡꼴끈’ 괴문자 정체는. Kr 입력 20240523 140045 글자 크기 페이스북 공유 트위터. 고대 터키 유적에서 발견된 괴문자 1sthminfo 님의 블로그. 부산 터널 위 ‘꾀끼깡꼴끈’ 괴문자 정체는. 착신
차로 끝나는 단어 Ios 기기에서 버전에 따라 특정 문자열을 보면 앱이 튕기고, 심하면 하드리셋을 해야 하는 문제이다. 뉴스리뷰앵커부산 도시고속도로 한 터널 입구에 꾀끼깡꼴끈이라는 정체불명의 간판이 설치돼 논란입니다. Ios 기기에서 버전에 따라 특정 문자열을 보면 앱이 튕기고, 심하면 하드리셋을 해야 하는 문제이다. 16 1207 조회 692 15일 서울경찰청, 경기남부경찰청 소속 일부 경찰에게 발송된 괴문자 캡처 사진. 당시 박 시장은 공적 선의를 가진 존재로서 우리의 정체성을 확립하기 위해선 꾀 지혜, 끼 에너지탤런트, 깡 용기, 꼴 디자인, 끈 네트워킹이 필요하다고 말했다.
중학생 얼굴 변화 디시 25일 해당 기사 댓글에는 공무원이 부산시장에게 아부하는 것으로 보인다, 글 읽다가 터널 입구에서 사고나면 부산시 책임이다, 참으로. 조직 논리 아닌 자신의 사명 따라야경찰 상대 괴문자 나돌아. 어제 오후 서울경찰청과 경기남부경찰청 소속 일부 경찰관들에게 동시다발적으로 발송된 문자입니다. Ios 기기에서 버전에 따라 특정 문자열을 보면 앱이 튕기고, 심하면 하드리셋을 해야 하는 문제이다. 아이폰으로 방송 시청하다가 갑자기 튕겼을 때, 다시 돌아와서 접속하면 아랍어 문자에 대한 성토와 괴문자 사용자 테러범 에 대한 강퇴요구가 채팅방에 도배되어있는걸 볼 수 있다.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 7, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 7, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 7, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 7, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
, Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.